Despite higher tuition in Ontario, there are more poor people there attending universities. This presumably refutes the suggestion that high tuition fees have a negative impact on accessibility for poor people, for there are more poor people attending university in Ontario than there are in Quebec. How can we explain this? One element of explanation is that the figures do not consider an important difference between Quebec and other provinces.
After secondary high school in Quebec, all students engage into college education for two years if they want to go to university after, or for three years if they choose a professional path that will give them a diploma for a specific job. When we also consider colleges and not only universities, the figures change completely. Finnie, S.
Finnie, Quebeckers are the champions in Canada for accessibility at the college level. See Finnie et al, op. So this may explain why there is less accessibility to university in Quebec than elsewhere in Canada. It is because students systematically attend college before going to university 1. Another element of explanation may be a cultural one.
The vast majority of anglophones and allophones in Quebec those whose main language of use at home is respectively English or a language different from French or English believe that a Bachelor degree is a minimal requirement of education. They do not think that a Bachelor degree is a minimal requirement. According to some, this could also explain the problems of university accessibility in Quebec. There may be such a cultural problem in Quebec, but is it the only cause explaining lower accessibility to universities in Quebec?
The search for a unique cause may be a gross oversimplification. In addition to the college system and to the cultural perception concerning universities in French Quebec, could it be that tuition fees in general constitute an obstacle to university for poor people? And if there is a cultural negative perception concerning university education in French Quebec, will higher tuition fees help to solve the problem?
Indeed, tuition fees constitute an obstacle for poor people. So the very figures of Professor Finnie show that tuition fees are another cause of low accessibility. Quebec, for it is also true in Ontario, in the Maritime provinces and in the Western provinces. The very figures of Finnie reveal that tuition fees have an impact on accessibility to university for poor people. Here is another contradiction with the proposal made by the Government. The main argument of those who are in favour of higher tuition fees is that such an increase has no bearing on accessibility.
But why should they do so if higher tuition fees do not have an impact on accessibility? The fact of the matter is that they do have an impact and that the government is implicitly admitting it with its supportive grants and loans. So these policies refute the main claim of those who favour higher tuition fees!
The principle of equality of opportunity should be applied at the university level and the best way to implement that principle would be to seek for free education. The slowest road on that path would be to freeze tuition fees. By not adapting the fees to a higher cost of living, this policy would amount to a progressive reduction slowly leading us toward free education. Some may be tempted to believe that the middle ground should be instead an indexation to inflation. Such a position presupposes that the current fees are just.
But as already shown, since they have a negative impact on accessibility, the current fees are not just. They do not exemplify justice as fairness because they go against equality of opportunity. The fight we are engaged in is by no means a Quebec issue only. This concept is not one that entails that universities should be entirely subordinated to the private sector. The idea is rather that universities tend to adopt the model of private corporations for themselves. This situation is now observed all over the world.
Universities are more and more looking like companies. Professors become mere employees whose productivity is calculated by the number of diplomas that they generate, the number of publications that they produce and the number of grants that they get. All faculties must generate profits or at least have balanced budgets, and equalisation payments between faculties must disappear. Universities have to compete against each other in order to attract students who have become clients.
Big budgets must be devoted to publicity hoping to steel the clients from other universities 1. In the first ten weeks of the conflict, the Government representatives refused to sit down and negotiate. They kept this paternalistic attitude toward the students even if, among other things, a demonstration of more than one hundred thousand persons had taken place in the streets of Montreal. Then, in the first round of negotiations that finally took place, the government refused to discuss the main issue, which was the increase in tuition fees.
The government was also opposed to the idea of a moratorium and rejected mediation. This is yet another instance of paternalism. During the negotiations, students, for their part, made two huge compromises. First, they accepted the increase but agreed to create a Committee that would investigate the financial situation of universities. The Committee would have at least six months to come up with suggestions and recommendations concerning cuts that could be made. And if more money were to be saved, it could even serve to reduce tuition fees themselves.
The principals of universities were totally against this solution and privately informed the government that they could not accept this solution to the conflict. The second compromise of students associations took place in the month of June, during the last meetings with government representatives. On this occasion, government representatives first repeated the compromises that they were ready to make. Finally, they proposed a policy that would enable students to reimburse their loans in proportion with their own working revenues. Students rejected these proposals essentially because the grants would help at best only 60 students.
For the remaining others, they would have to live with loans that would increase their own debt. The idea of reimbursing loans in proportion of revenue is surely a nice idea, but we already have a similar system with income tax. The only difference is that the proposal of the government is associated with higher tuition fees. This unjust measure refrains poor people from attending university and goes against the principle of equality of opportunity. The government representatives explained that any other solution would have to be of this kind. It would have to involve no further costs on the part of the government.
So students came back with the following proposal. They would eliminate completely the tax credit for the first two years, and this would enable the government to freeze tuition fees for two years without losing a single penny. That is, their revenue would have been as if the increase of tuition fees was implemented. This was a huge compromise, but the government rejected the offer and surprisingly decided to leave the negotiation table.
A Social Crisis The battle does not concern only the issue of tuition fees. However, the debt was under control and slowly being reduced in its relation to the GDP until the financial crisis occurred and forced responsible governments to intervene against the recession by making investments in order to stimulate the economy, thus creating deficits that would contribute to raise the debt.
It is in this context that it also wants to raise tuition fees. The philosophy is that the user of a service pays for that service. But at the same time, the government literally squanders its natural resources to private companies or requests very low charges for their exploitation. The government gets charges only on the profit made by mining companies and not on the exploitation itself, and it does not require transformation to take place in Quebec.
This also contributed to a revolt on the part of the left wing segments of the population. This is the neo-liberal approach: while citizens in the low and middle classes suffer from additional burdens, the government on the other hand assist big companies with subsidies, tax shelters and low taxes on capital gain. It supports them with low tariffs on electricity and low charges on the exploitation of natural resources.
Governments accept deregulation of financial markets and institutions, as well as tax havens. All these measures are responsible for the financial crisis and they are responsible for a large part for a high public debt. After nine years in Government, the Quebec Liberals lost their credibility. There were numerous scandals involving Ministers and MPs in the Liberal government. For this reason, Scandals have repeatedly been revealed in the medias involving the city of Montreal, the city of Laval and many other municipalities.
All these events occurred in the context of an international financial crisis and in the context of the movement Occupy. So all the ingredients were in place and all the planets in alignment for a major crisis: a radical increase in tuition fees, a worn out government involved in corruption in the context of a major international financial crisis, an attack on the Quebec model, a government practising neo-liberalism, universities looking more and more like private companies and a government paternalistically imposing its views on students.
With such turnouts, one would have expected a responsible government to act promptly in order to resolve the conflict. But instead of trying to end the conflict through negotiations, the government decided to pass a piece of legislation that would suspend classes in colleges and universities, and force a return during the second half of August in order to end the Winter term that had been interrupted by the strike. This piece of legislation, Bill 78, severely limits freedom of expression, freedom of conscience and freedom of association 1. It denies the existence of a right to strike for students, a right that had always been de facto respected in the past.
It denies the freedom of conscience of professors, teachers and lecturers, and imposes upon them to force the return of students in classrooms. As soon as the law was adopted on May 17 th, it was systematically denounced by almost everyone. Five hundred lawyers offered their services to students associations and, ultimately, 18 of them representing persons belonging to 70 associations, unions, and federations decided to file a suit denouncing the law as unconstitutional.
The law was contested in the Quebec superior court of justice. There has never been in Quebec such a confrontation involving dozens of associations, labour unions, students unions and professors unions. Hundreds of lawyers walked in their robe in the streets of Montreal to protest against the law. The Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse also denounced the law on July 19, in a document of more than 50 pages 3. The denunciation also came from the population. In hundreds of places all over Quebec, hundreds of thousands came out of their houses to bang pans with wooden spoons.
They came out like this everyday during several weeks. The news medias would report each day a new demonstration at night. It was no longer just students and their professors, teachers, and lecturers. It was the population as a whole expressing its frustration against the government 4.
The provincial elections took place on September 4, The second one abrogated Bill. In the struggle that took place between the students and the Liberal Government, the students have won. They needed this victory in order to find the energy, the courage, and the determination to continue their battle for justice. What are we to conclude after all is said and done?
My thoughts are directed towards college and university administrators. The only allies of the Government were the college and university principals of Quebec. They bear a huge responsibility not only for influencing the government to drastically increase tuition fees, but also for appearing with the Prime Minister in the media in support of Bill 78, never retracting from this position afterwards. In August, in their willingness to abide by the prescriptions of Bill 78, some even asked the police to intervene in their attempt to force students and professors to return in class and end the Winter term.
I hope that students, university professors, and college teachers will never forget that the responsibility for this huge political mess is most of all that of college and university principals. Fortunately, the red square will not become a symbol of a Falling Autumn leaf, but rather a symbol of resistance buried deep into our hearts.
Ceci pointait vers un malaise plus profond. Bref, une politique de la domination de certainEs sur le plus grand nombre. Diane Lamoureux Septembre En exemplaires2. Mais la journaliste insistait. Deux, trois policiers nous surveillaient mollement et ils ne sont pas intervenus lorsque nous avons pris la rue au lieu de rester sur le trottoir. Quel toupet. Butler, J. De cleyre, V.
Foucault, M. Defending universities: argument and persuasion Abstract. This article offers four general observations about the kinds of argument and persuasion that are involved in current debates about the nature of universities. First, there is the need to challenge the short-circuiting of discussions about value which results from making economic growth the immediate and sufficient justification for academic activity. Second, it is important to be cautious about appearing to suggest that universities bring about, or are compatible with, every desirable social good; their functions are principally intellectual, not moral.
Third, it is vital to insist on the need for judgement rather than measurement when discussing intellectual quality and achievement. And fourth, it is important for those who wish to make the case for universities to engage the interests and sympathies of a wide range of non-academic publics: this is not a sectional issue, but one which matters to society as a whole. We should not assume that our fellow-citizens will be deaf to such arguments. On the contrary, we have a duty to future generations to try to ensure that the intellectual and cultural value of universities is widely understood and supported.
It would be presumptuous of me to comment in detail on the situation in Quebec, although I can report that elsewhere in the world there is a great deal of interest in and support for the resistance to this market orthodoxy which is taking place there. But perhaps the most useful contribution I can make is simply to offer four very general observations about questions of justification and persuasion that are involved in all such debates about universities.
It is for colleagues in Quebec and in Canada more generally to decide whether and how these observations may bear on the particularities of the local situation. First, one of the fundamental intellectual mistakes behind current policies is the short-circuiting of the process of justification.
18 et 19 décembre 2018. Centre Pompidou. Paris.
Obviously, I hardly need emphasize that the actual politics involve many other and perhaps more consequential forces, but this mistake is fundamental and is one which hamstrings defenders of universities unless they identify it clearly at the outset. The blend of individualism and instrumentalism characteristic of contemporary market-democracies makes contribution to economic prosperity and to consumer-satisfaction the only goal which politicians can assume will meet with universal endorsement. Hence the constant tendency to jump The truth, of course, is that the growth and deepening of understanding contributes to human flourishing in various ways — is, indeed, partly constitutive of that flourishing — but the connections between the two are usually indirect and very long-term.
We have reached the position where to describe the primary purpose of universities in terms of the deepening of human understanding about the social and natural world is dismissed as high-minded waffle, whereas to say that such activities indirectly contribute so many billion pounds to the economy is considered a powerful democratic argument. We shall not succeed in making an effective case for universities until we succeed in contesting the assumptions behind that proposition. Second, there is a tendency for defenders of universities to want to present them as contributing to every approved social good, including the promotion of equality, social mobility, and general niceness.
In addition, there is a tendency — this may be a rather delicate point to make when contributing to this particular journal — to present universities as naturally congruent with approved left-wing values. This seems to me a mistake both as a matter of fact and as a matter of tactics. And where these values clash, the priority for universities has to be the extension of understanding, not the furthering of desirable collateral values, however uncomfortable a position this may be. So, in articulating the argument for education as a public good, we must be careful not to over-state the case.
Champions of higher education tend to make universities not just compatible with almost all currently approved moral and political values, but the necessary, and even at times the sufficient, means of their realisation. The fact that someone can make a dazzling breakthrough in the understanding of nature while at the same time behaving abominably in other aspects of life and holding deplorable political views is not an argument against the value of scientific enquiry.
The disciplined free play of the mind over a given topic that is at the heart of scholarly and scientific enquiry is principally a cognitive achievement, not a moral one, at least not directly. Third, public debate about universities is bedevilled by the pressure to substitute measurements of quantity for judgements of quality. We should not accept that judgement is a matter of personal or arbitrary We all in fact conduct our lives on the basis of that assumption, but we sometimes seem to lose confidence in it when faced by the proposition that in public debate only that which can be measured can be considered objective.
Where their supposed findings are convenient, these are readily cited for publicity and propaganda purposes, yet the truth is that they are practically worthless. On many matters the data are not available in strictly comparable form, and the reliance on subjective and inadequate opinion surveys provides little information that is both reliable and useful.
We should challenge, in particular, the glib assumption that universities are locked in combat with each other in some form of world-wide competition, itself a transposition of larger assertions about the centrality of national economic competitiveness. The language here betrays a kind of mercantilism of the intellect, a fear that the stock of national treasure will be diminished rather than augmented by the success of enterprises elsewhere. It is remarkable how quickly and easily this language has become naturalised in the past two or three decades, even though it is damaging to the intrinsically cooperative nature of all science and scholarship.
National amour propre, ever a vain and giddy quality, comes to be invested in having universities that might give the big American powerhouses a good game. Many of the ways in which a particular university might contribute to maintaining the standards of scholarly and scientific enquiry more generally, or the ways in which a system of higher education as a whole might meet the needs of its host society, are simply disregarded — in part, of course, because there is, anyway, no means of translating the answers to such questions into the pseudo-objectivity of tabular form.
And then my fourth and last observation: there have been a great many books and articles and conferences about the question of universities in the past two years, but there is an obvious danger that this all amounts to preaching to the converted. It seems to me very important to emphasize that this is not a sectional cause, not the special pleading of an interest group made up of academics and current students. We have to do better at making the case to the public as a whole, the case for what is distinctive and valuable about what goes on in universities. I suspect that among the public at large there is, potentially, a much greater reservoir of interest in, and latent appreciation of, the work of universities than the current narrow and defensive official discourse ever succeeds in tapping into.
In talking to audiences outside universities some of whom may these days be graduates, of course I am struck by the level of curiosity about, and enthusiasm for, ideas and the quest for greater understanding, whether in history and literature, or physics and biology, or any number of other fields. Some members of these audiences may not have had the chance to study these things themselves, but they very much want their children to have the opportunity to do so; others may have enjoyed only limited and perhaps not Such audiences do not want to be told that we judge the success of a university education by how much more graduates can earn than non-graduates, any more than they want to hear how much scholarship and science may indirectly contribute to GDP.
They are, rather, susceptible to the romance of ideas and the power of beauty; they want to learn about far-off times and far-away worlds; they expect to hear language used more inventively, more exactly, more evocatively than it normally is in the workaday world; they want to know that, somewhere, human understanding is being pressed to its limits, unconstrained by immediate practical outcomes. These audiences are not all of one mind, needless to say, and not all sections of society are equally well represented among these audiences.
At various points in their lives they may have other priorities, and there will always be competing demands on their interests and sympathies. But it is noticeable, and surely regrettable, how little the public discourse about universities in contemporary Britain and, I believe, elsewhere makes any kind of appeal to this widespread appreciation on the part of ordinary intelligent citizens that there should be places where these kinds of enquiries are being pursued at their highest level.
Part of the problem may be that while universities are spectacularly good at producing new forms of understanding, they are not always very good at explaining what they are doing when they do this. Of course, we should also acknowledge that, in practice, contemporary universities do not perform some of their distinctive tasks all that well, especially in such matters as contact hours in undergraduate teaching. Not to acknowledge this would be, yet again, to underestimate the intelligence of the public who are well aware that all is not well with many of our over-crowded, over-regulated institutions of higher education.
Defending universities: argument and persuasion. By way of concluding, let me suggest that recent discussion of universities has been impoverished not just by an almost exclusive concentration on how they are to be funded a concentration which itself colludes with the dominance of economic categories , but also by an excessive focus on universities as places of undergraduate education.
A different starting-point may be to consider what it is that we value and admire about good work in scholarship and science, and then to reflect on the conditions which seem conducive to its achievement. Universities are not quite the only places where such work is done, even now, but they unquestionably represent much the biggest concentration of such enquiry. The undergraduate teaching role is, of course, central to most universities, but it is far from being the whole story. Major universities are complex organisms, fostering an extraordinary variety of intellectual, scientific and cultural activity, and the significance and value of much that goes on within them cannot be restricted to a single national framework or to the present generation.
They have become an important medium — perhaps the single most important institutional medium — for conserving, understanding, extending, and handing on to subsequent generations the intellectual, scientific, and artistic heritage of mankind. I do not pretend that building up wider public support for universities is an easy task nor that it would, by itself, be sufficient to prevent or reverse the damaging effects of current policies. But I do think we should not be so defensive about making the case for universities in the appropriate intellectual, scientific, and cultural terms, and I do think that we should not be so pessimistic or condescending in assuming in advance that large numbers of our fellow-citizens would be wholly unresponsive to a case made in such terms.
Combined with ongoing scepticism about the value of research, the university is engulfed by a sense of anxiety that has resulted in many institutions withdrawing from controversial debates. In this paper I argue that despite such pressures, the role of the university has never been more important. This should be the foundation on which university programs should be built. It is what separates us from other service providers and makes universities such valuable institutions.
Further, given the massive changes within our societies, how do universities actually justify themselves?
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Though such questions are rarely spoken inside universities, they are now never far from the minds of students, staff and administers giving rise to feelings of anxiety and uncertainty. Such feelings simply reflect an environment of confusion as the modern university sector attempts to understand its role in the contemporary world. This anxiety plays out in many ways.
In the post global financial crisis environment, students for example, remain anxious about their job prospects GCA Many students wonder whether their focus should be on a path to enlightenment or improving their professional proficiencies that make them more attractive to prospective employers — two aspects of an education that are not always in sync Bridgestock Academics face a different group of pressures with continually changing workloads, increasing pressures to publish, win external grants and adopt new technologies for classroom teaching Bexley, James and Arkoudis The administrators, who are often much maligned in academia, must balance the needs and desires of their students and staff in a neoliberal political environment that demands each institution, no matter its history, justifies its existence in economic terms.
Additionally, they must respond to ongoing accusations of being everything from ivory towers, the home of leftist thinking and ignorant of the demands of the corporate sector Devine Within this environment, there appears to be an underlying crisis in the way universities identity themselves and their role in society. As a lecturer at the University of Western Sydney, an institution with six campuses that aims to serve the community of one of the most diverse communities in the world, I am also involved in a number of research projects with colleagues across Australia and internationally, I have observed this crisis closely.
The aim of this paper is to reflect on the role of universities in the contemporary world. I argue that for universities to survive and flourish, there must be a renewed and increasing focus on two broad issues: the first being education as a commons that should be democratised and extended as far as possible; and the second being an emphasis on community engagement and building of partnerships.
In this way, universities should return to their role as community leaders, embedded as a civic institution within the community. Before proceeding, I would like to make a short comment on the methodological approach employed. Both my research and engagement activities are driven by an aspiration for justice. It is from this understanding of the role of the contemporary engaged Responding to the Challenges of the Contemporar y University. In designing and implementing research projects, I have utilised a participative research methodology, becoming directly involved as both a participant and observer.
Such an approach is informed by feminist insights such as those of Mies as well as by post-colonial authors including Said and Nandy This approach rejects the concept that there is one objective form of inquiry or knowledge Stanfield Education as a commons To begin this conversation about education as a commons and its democratisation, I want to start with a discussion of the hierarchies of knowledge.
Hierarchies have always framed the functioning of universities existing across all disciplinary boundaries. While I accept the importance of many such hierarchies, I am uncomfortable with others. For example, there is little doubt that I have much to learn from senior members of staff and leaders in the field of research I pursue. There are also mentors within and across the institutions in which I work who may be considered both senior and junior to me.
There are also hierarchies that exist between students and staff. For example, when I walk into a lecture theatre to discuss theories of racism, gender or class, there is a general acceptance that the theoretical knowledge I bring can be considered superior compared to my students. There are, however, hierarchies that are concerning and we should confront.
At the University of Western Sydney, for example, approximately 60 percent of our students are the first In this way, they may have far greater insights into the issue of class politics than those who research it. In this way, as Paulo Freire informed us then, knowledge hierarchies are something we should both confront and feel uncomfortable with when educating. Many researchers, like myself, also confront uncomfortable hierarchies.
It is these enforced hierarchies that I find problematic. As such, it is negotiated hierarchies that I am comfortable with. An important way to confront enforced hierarchies is through the democratization of knowledge and education: ensuring access is available to all those who seek it. One way to achieve this is by employing the concept that education should be seen as a commons: a process that can confront scarcity and create abundance. Such resources can be understood as the oceans, beaches and the atmosphere and have both tangible and intangible aspects.
David Bollier explains that today, there are other conceptions of the commons: existing in the cultural sphere which include literature, music, performing arts, visual arts, design, film, video, television, radio, community arts and sites of heritage. The commons can also include Responding to the Challenges of the Contemporar y University. At the base of each commons existing and thriving, is a respect for the value of the original resource and a reciprocity — ensuring people not only take from the resource, but reciprocate.
Elsewhere I have argued that commons can include human relationships such as the need for safety, trust, shared intellect, as well as simply cooperation Arvanitakis This is mediated by a sense of belonging that allows members of communities to interact with each other. This is a form of biopolitics that promotes the potential for greater cooperation: that is, if I feel safe within my community, even when surrounded by strangers, then I am likely to cooperate with others.
Answers to Exercises
Safety can produce relationships that are nonhierarchical and inclusive, allowing communities to work together to overcome scarcity, crisis and fear Hardt and Negri xvi. From this perspective, I argue that education is a form of commons: something that we all share and can grow to expand. In so doing, we create a new form of biopolitical production. To promote this, I make my research and own intellectual work available for all. In return, I only expect a reciprocity that those who use it do the same — even if this is in the form of feedback.
La visibilité disruptive de l'Islam dans l'espace public européen | Eurozine
This must be the way that universities reframe the debate around their role in society: not to justify their existence on economic grounds but by encouraging its teaching and research staff to openly share our intellect and education. The response that we must have is, as far as possible, to promote the democratisation of knowledge and therefore do our best to distribute the education material produced in different formats that are accessible to all: from open access journals, to Facebook and other mechanisms of social media.
By making the information accessible — both in This way, universities can exist both inside and outside institutions, be simultaneously local and global and be available to all. This enclosure promotes a scarcity in knowledge that has important implications for education and intellect. This too, however, must be a negotiated process: for example, I would refuse to allow my research in citizenship and community to be available to a right wing racist group.
Why engagement? The second dimension of universities confronting the contemporary neoliberal environment is to embed themselves within their community with a broad range of engagement activities. For example, what exactly does this concept of mutual benefit mean? Most often, however, the university falls back into the idea that it is the source of knowledge and it has a one-way relationship with the community. That is, engagement should be used as a guide to make strategic interventions not only through our teaching and research, but to the broader citizenry to promote a sense of agency and active citizenship.
And it is here that there exists an overlap between education as a commons and engagement: that the university community more generally should see our role as not just about promoting education but working with citizens to identify and promote what is important to them. It is here that knowledge hierarchies must be broken down: for it is the peoples who should guide us, not only should scholars set the priorities we believe are important. Engagement and the commons The focus of my most recent research and engagement activities is an Australian Research Council funded project looking at the changing and heterogeneous nature of citizenship within Australia.
It should be noted that the Couch workshops had a number of iterations, and as the intellectual property used to develop them was registered under a Creative Commons licence, there have been versions developed by others. Though the Couch workshop was originally designed as part of a training program for an Oxfam Australia initiative, it has developed to promote this sense of agency especially amongst young people who have become disengaged from political processes.
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Beyond the project, however, what we have identified is a lack of agency that has now come to define many of the communities we work with. Surrounded by a network of relationships that are lateral, vertical and oblique, in all directions, there is frequently a sense of disempowerment that encourages disengagement — removing the sense of agency of many citizens.
And it is here that the university community should reframe their engagement activities: above all they should be about promoting a sense of agency and active citizenship amongst its student community and beyond. This should not be limited to the humanities and social sciences and not just to students of individual universities, but accessed by the broader public. The role of universities within this current environment then, should be about promoting a sense of agency and active citizenship.
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This goal does not contradict the other aims of the university, such as making students employable, but rather enhances them. Il est dit que Kerouac se battait contre le conformisme et rejetait les standards de la fiction contemporaine. Puis entre et on le trouve chef de train pour la Southern Pacific Railroad. Janet Michelle Jan , sa fille, est issue de ce second mariage. Elle publie deux volumes, Baby Driver en et Trainsongs en Il sue tellement qu'il change de tee-shirt des douzaines de fois…".
Le tapuscrit original commence simplement ainsi : "I first met Neal not long after my father died. Il souhaite ainsi capter l'attention de ses lecteurs. La mode n'est-elle pas pour l'artiste le masque de la mort? Sur la route. Maggie Cassidy. Mais qu'importe : la route, c'est la vie ". Sur La Route. Slim Gaillard is a tall, thin Negro with big sad eyes who's always saying 'Right-orooni' and 'How 'bout a little bourbon-arooni. When he gets warmed up he takes off his undershirt and really goes.
He does and says anything that comes into his head. He'll sing 'Cement Mixer, Put-ti Put-ti' and suddenly slow down the beat and brood over his bongos with fingertips barely tapping the skin as everybody leans forward breathlessly to hear; you think he'll do this for a minute or so, but he goes right on, for as long as an hour, making an imperceptible little noise with the tips of his fingernails, smaller and smaller all the time till you can't hear it any more and sounds of traffic come in the open door. Then he slowly gets up and takes the mike and says, very slowly, 'Great-orooni His great sad eyes scan the audience.
Dean stands in the back, saying, 'God! Finally the set is over; each set takes two hours. Slim Gaillard goes and stands against a post, looking sadly over everybody's head as people come to talk to him. A bourbon is slipped into his hand. Dean once had a dream that he was having a baby and his belly was all bloated up blue as he lay on the grass of a California hospital. Under a tree, with a group of colored men, sat Slim Gaillard. Dean turned despairing eyes of a mother to him. Les caresses sont illusoires. La publication des lettres de Flaubert lui parut une profanation.
Seul, libre! La Mort! Quoi que nous croyions, quoi que nous pensions, quoi que nous tentions, nous mourrons! La mort est la grande destructrice. Elle nous enveloppe. Son art est tout objectif. Il observe et il sait voir.
Perspective antagonique de l’espace public
Il fera vrai. Il a la haine de la politique et des politiciens. Avant Georges Lecomte, il les appelle les Valets. Il peint des eaux-fortes.