Wundervölker, Monstrosität und Hässlichkeit im Mittelalter (German Edition)

Sue Bohlin offers a quiz covering Bible basics rather than trivia. That's because we're not reading and studying the Bible. Who wrote the first five books of the Old Testament? .. Probe fulfills this mission through our Mind Games conferences for youth and adults, our 3-minute daily radio program, and.

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After his death in , his girlfriend turns out to have been a Nazi agent; there are rumours she killed him with a drug overdose. In death, as in life, the amazing story of D'Annunzio was painted in primary colours, but with the darkest of shadows. Von Sascha Lehnartz. Carla Bruni-Sarkozy geht wieder ihrem erlernten Beruf nach. Am Montag — passendes Geburtstagsgeschenk zum Er dudelt aus fast allen Radiosendern. Ein Joint zur Erholung von harten Drogen.

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Die Strophen des Liedes sind zudem reich an Anspielungen, die dazu einladen, sie auf prominente Zeitgenossen wie Dominique Strauss-Kahn zu beziehen "im Sofitel" Sondern bei Keith und Anita. Officiel ". Im Herbst geht sie auf Tournee. Nous sommes partis pour un combat. Nous ne pouvons pas laisser le nord du Mali devenir un refuge". Non seulement pour l'Afrique de l'Est, mais pour les Etats-Unis ". Mais dans le pays profond, ma conviction est qu'il y a une exigence de bipolarisme. Cela me semble un jugement en partie injuste.

La solution technique a ses vertus mais aussi ses limites. C'est moins facile qu'on ne le pense. A la bonne heure. A condition qu'il y ait des mesures qui garantissent un peu d'investissement et d'emploi. Les mesures les plus urgentes sont celles qui favorisent l'emploi. Sans esprit de querelle, je demande que s'ouvre une discussion. Pleinement d'accord. Car cela ne va pas fondre comme la neige au soleil. Je ne veux pas que le centre-gauche apparaisse comme sectaire. Moi, je ne le sais pas encore en Italie. Mais je le dis tout de suite: il n'y aura plus jamais d'amnistie fiscale en Italie.

Jan 21st , by Lexington. He wants to complete the Great Society project of such progressive forefathers as both Roosevelts and Lyndon Johnson, and make it sustainable in an America that faces unprecedented global competition. How he plans to do that, when he must share power with fiercely hostile Republicans in Congress for the foreseeable future, is a more interesting question.

Mr Obama's inaugural speech, delivered this morning beneath a bright, chilly Washington sky, offered a remarkably stark answer. He plans to confront Republicans, co-opt their most cherished beliefs about American exceptionalism and individualism, pin them into a corner with the power of public opinion and—in the longer-term—to marginalise them by building his party a progressive coalition from such diverse groups as women, ethnic minorities, gays, the young, immigrants and environmentalists.

Though the speech rang with references to national unity, the founding fathers and the ties that bind Americans, it was a deeply partisan piece of work. In his second term, Mr Obama's big tent will be held up by Democratic ropes and stays. Those who insist on remaining outside, it was easy to conclude, risk feeling very cold indeed. The power of public opinion is palpable at an inauguration ceremony, a strange and handsome hybrid of coronation and political rally.

Your blogger was lucky to snaffle a seat in a sort of no-man's land on the Capitol's west front, between the serried rows of congressional spouses and the Marine Corps band, at the foot of the presidential podium. In the lull before the president's arrival, grandees of the Senate displayed themselves at a balustrade next to his still-empty lectern. They showed off silly hats several wore stetsons, one wore a beret, and Senator Bill Nelson of Florida came in a bright orange hunting-cap bearing his name.

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They waved to friends, family and constituents, and generally acted like politicians seeking the love of a crowd. Then came Mr Obama, and the atmosphere gained a wholly new charge. The crowd gathered far below the Capitol may have been smaller than four years ago, but it still stretched almost to the Washington Monument and it was filled with true believers. The sight of the president on giant screens down the National Mall sent up a roar from the crowd that made hair stand on end.

Mr Obama took that applause, and sought to harness it. Inauguration speeches are often hailed as moments to reach across partisan divides, and make peace after the bruising fights of the election just ended. Time and again, Mr Obama seemed to be re-fighting that election. At the very start of his inaugural address, he offered a definition of what it means to be American: an allegiance to the idea of equal creation and unalienable rights articulated in the opening lines of Jefferson's Declaration of Independence. It was hard not to hear a direct challenge to the argument set out by Mitt Romney, his vanquished Republican foe, and the Republicans' vice-presidential running-mate, Paul Ryan.

It was Mr Ryan who, on the day that he joined the presidential ticket, galvanised American conservatives with his declaration that America was unique in being a country "founded on an idea", namely that:. Our rights come from nature and God, not government. We promise equal opportunity, not equal outcomes. This idea is founded on the principles of liberty, freedom, free enterprise, self-determination and government by consent of the governed.

Six months later, in the first moments of his second term, Mr Obama took on that small-government credo. Jeffersonian truths may be self-evident but "they've never been self-executing", Mr Obama said, with something approaching audible scorn. The president bowed to core conservative beliefs about American exceptionalism, conceding that he governs a people sceptical of central authority, disdainful of the "fiction" that society's ills can be cured by government alone, and unusually insistent that it is an American's duty to seek success through hard work, personal responsibility and a dose of risk-taking.

He is right.

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That belief in meritocracy and enterprise sets America apart from other rich nations, notably on the continent of Europe, where people are much likelier to ascribe success to good luck or connections, and to believe that the state should intervene to ensure no citizens fall too far behind the most fortunate. But if Mr Obama is not the European socialist of his enemies' gibes, he is something closer to a European liberal, setting out a vision of a state safety net whose job is to protect responsible, hard-working citizens from the strokes of ill luck that can strike at any time Mr Obama cited job losses, sudden illnesses, or the sweeping away of a home in a terrible storm.

At that moment, the president argued, commitments made by Americans to each other, through such Great Society programmes as Medicare and Medicaid and Social Security, do not sap initiative but strengthen it. In his pointed words:. They do not make us a nation of takers; they free us to take the risks that make this country great. He went on to list some concrete consequences that flow from his vision of a communal action as an enabler of American individualism.

In a canter through big agenda items for his second term, that will be spelled out in more detail in his February state-of-the-union address, Mr Obama talked of action on climate change chiding those who "still deny the overwhelming judgment of science" on global warming and action to make America a leader in sustainable energy production. He committed himself to seeking diplomatic solutions to security crises, and ran through a veritable to-do list of Democratic ambitions, from equal pay for women to gay equality, comprehensive immigration reform and through a coy reference to Newtown in Connecticut to action on gun violence.

It was not necessary to settle centuries-long debates on the role of government, but political leaders did have to take decisions without delay, reaching imperfect and impartial agreements if needs be. Few can have mistaken his meaning. Beneath the ringing oratory about America's journey and the work of generations, Mr Obama was directly challenging the core beliefs of today's Republican Party. From the backhand slap for climate-change deniers, to the rebuke of "absolutism", Mr Obama was attacking congressional Republicans, notably in the House of Representatives, and their entire conception of their role in a divided government.

He gave Republicans almost no ground, making the briefest of references to their defining concern, the nation's deficit spending. Perhaps confrontation will prove to be a fruitful strategy. Mr Obama's supporters would point to his first term, and the serial obstructionism of Republicans in Congress, and argue that the president has no choice but to come out fighting, as he seeks to achieve anything in his final few years in office. I wish I could feel so gung-ho. Those same founding fathers ensured that an American president must share his vast powers with Congress, and Republicans still control the House of Representatives and can filibuster and stall legislation in the Senate, through their minority there.

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How did today's speech set out the process by which Mr Obama plans to govern? It was fascinating to see Mr Obama sketch out his vision of how individualism and American risk-taking need a progressive safety net to thrive. That will be a potent argument for Democrats to promote in future elections, as they seek to occupy the centre ground of politics and corral Republicans on the political fringes.

Today's inaugural address also set out attack lines that Democrats will be able to use in the event of continued Republican obstructionism, as they seek to blame their opponents for dysfunction in Washington and make Republicans pay the electoral price in the mid-terms and the general election.

But if you believe that getting anything done in the next four years will require the support of at least some moderate Republicans, it is hard to see how Mr Obama's inaugural address will have helped much. The president came to the Capitol as a victorious commander, staking claims to large swathes of American political territory. But the public did not hand him complete victory. A majority of states have Republican governors, and partly through gerrymandering and partly through more organic quirks of electoral geography , Republicans have a lock on the House of Representatives.

It was a powerful speech, but how this ends well, I struggle to see. Photo credit: AFP. That kind of skill would be handy for Mr. Monti, who after years as a professor and a European Commissioner is making his debut as a campaigner. But the real interesting thing about Mr. Axelrod is that he is known as a street fighter.

Well, Mr. Monti, who usually speaks about the balance of payments and the machinery of the European Union, ripped into Angelino Alfano, the putative candidate for premier for the People of Freedom party headed by Silvio Berlusconi , using atypically aggressive sarcasm. That kind of pivot looks inevitable given that polls show that Mr. Berlusconi is clambering back from near oblivion while Mr. The risk is he goes too far. For a while, that was the game plan — in fact, Mr.

Monti needed Mr. Bersani in need of a new coalition partner. Monti recruited aboard will not be enough to form a stable government.

¡Diles! 120 razones por las cuales deberías ser un ganador de almas

ROME — At the tender age of 12, Pier Luigi Bersani led his fellow altar boys in a strike against their parish priest to win back tips from Easter services. Beppe Grillo is a controversial Italian comedian shaking up Italian politics. Here's his backstory. With a bigger borrowing burden than any of its neighbors save near-bankrupt Greece, Italy remains one of the biggest wild cards in the long-term viability of the euro. While serving in left-leaning cabinets in the s and s, the cigar-chomping year-old surfaced as a powerful advocate of reforms considered key to modernizing the business climate in long-stagnate Italy.

He has nevertheless raised eyebrows with investors by striking a coalition deal with more strident leftists as well as for openly suggesting he would move to fine-tune, if not overhaul, at least some of the budget-cutting measures pushed through last year. Such changes, he has said, would include higher taxes on the rich to lessen the burden on the poor.

In an extensive interview this month with The Washington Post, he additionally suggested that, if elected, he would push to renegotiate strict European limits on budget deficits and debt in a bid to simulate growth. Yet Berlusconi, who represents the center-right, has proven a far more outspoken critic of new taxes and spending cuts than Bersani.

Even interim Prime Minister Monti — the fiscally tough technocrat chosen by Parliament to replace Berlusconi who is seeking a full term — has recently said some of his own measures went too far while others did not go far enough, suggesting any winner here would tinker with the formula that allowed Italy to escape financial collapse last year.

Jan 12th from the print edition. By Lucy Hughes-Hallett. Buy from Amazon. Lucy Hughes-Hallett, a British biographer and critic, in a deeply evocative new biography, suggests probably not. There is too much blood on his hands both from the first world war and from the 15 bizarre months in when he was the charismatic duce of a rogue state in the Adriatic port of Fiume now Rijeka in Croatia. And yet there is greatness in the man. During the great war, on which he had so influentially preached to his countrymen, he was capable of acts of heroism and even chivalry, as the author herself admits.

So wherein lies the problem? His life, his dress, his lovemaking, his going to war—everything was so minutely stage-managed with an eye to how it would appear in the press or in the histories. Although Ms Hughes-Hallett valiantly but ultimately without conviction teases out a few timorous examples to the contrary, it is almost impossible to believe in any spontaneous act of humility or empathy in the man. There are acts of beauty, but these are often sinister and his story serves largely to show the moral emptiness of pure aestheticism.

At first, the audience applauded him act after act; but by the end it tired of the posturing. Ms Hughes-Hallett evokes the edgy relationship between these two unaccommodating egos with particular adroitness. He was a writer, after all; a turbine of extraordinary creativity, an intense observer of the nuances of light, of faces, landscape, flowers, the gore of war and of every conceivable inflection of the sexual act. He exhausted himself with the sheer expenditure of energy, and then recharged his depleted resources with the thrill of his most remarkable passion: aviation.

For him it was both sublime and superhuman. Flying theatrically, far above the unseemly mess of footsoldiery in the trenches, he could once again be the heroic protagonist. It is not easy to make sense of the life of a man who was a silk-swathed aesthete, prophetic versifier, manic aviator and martial demagogue all in one. But in telling the story of his life, Ms Hughes-Hallett deftly unpicks the strands that compose and ultimately resolve these incongruities.

Her style is rich, ironic and pugnacious; she jousts willingly with him and the reader becomes a spectator of this subtle and fascinating contest. Jan 8th , by D. Yet this will change if a new way of assessing income, called redditometro, is a success. The system, which became law on January 4 th , aims to winkle out many of the large number of Italians who cheat on their annual income tax returns.

La Vision de Dios para las Almas

The redditometro , which will first be used in March to examine income tax returns for , is best described as big government meets big data meaning large data bases and huge computing power. The approach is based on the sensible idea that in order to spend one needs an equivalent income. So if tax authorities can calculate how much a person has spent, they can tell how honest he was on his tax return.

All residents have a unique tax number that they have to provide for a wide range of transactions, such as utilities contracts, home mortgages and insurance policies. It has divided Italy into five geographical areas and calculate the budget for eleven different family types, from a single under 35 years to a couple over 65 years. Those who fail the test will be asked to justify their returns. Those who are unable to do so will be given the chance to cut a deal, meaning they will have to pay the evaded tax and a reduced penalty.

Predictably, the redditometro has already proven controversial. Economists worry that it may have a dampening effect on Italy's already depressed economy. Others take issue with the fact that the system will look at tax returns that were filed three years ago. Yet others object to the use of national statistics and question the accuracy of average spending patterns.

Most honest Italians, however, welcome the new weapon in the fight against tax evasion. But few are betting that tax authorities will advance smoothly to victory. Many expect the unhappy recipients of the authorities' attention to be impoverished pensioners and harassed housewives, rather than habitual tax dodgers. Jan 5th from the print edition. THE advantage of living to a very great age is that you tend to have the last word. Rita Levi-Montalcini saw her scientific discoveries sniffed at throughout the s and s, only to win the Nobel prize for physiology in She conducted her early experiments in hiding, but rose to the pinnacle of Italian public life.

Both were a matter of precision, of flair, and of insisting—sometimes loudly, sometimes in silence—on what she wanted. The battles raged right from the beginning, at the heart of her wealthy Jewish family in Turin. Quite against his wishes, she enrolled in medical school. On her graduation in she became an assistant to Giuseppe Levi, a histologist who taught her the technique of silver-staining nerve cells so that they could be seen more clearly under a microscope. The fascists, however, had other plans for her, and in barred her from academia. Levi, barred too, now came to work for her in secret, their roles reversed.

First there, and later in a safer house in the countryside where she would cycle round from farm to farm, collecting the necessary eggs , the pair worked on the problem she made her own: how nerves growing out from an embryonic spinal cord find the particular developing limbs they will innervate. In Viktor Hamburger, an embryologist at Washington University in St Louis, Missouri, had suggested that limb buds produce an attractive chemical signal. Her own experiments, using scalpels made out of sewing needles, persuaded her that what the buds actually produce is a substance that stimulates nerve growth.

Once the war was over, Hamburger noticed the clarity of her work; he invited her to St Louis to continue her experiments, and there she stayed, on and off, until her retirement in though she never really retired, snapping that it led to decay of the brain. Eventually, in , she and Cohen shared the Nobel for their discoveries. She later showed that NGF is important in the immune system, launching a line of research that has since grown exponentially.

From she began to divide her time between St Louis and Rome too much missed where she set up a laboratory. In both places, she worked ferociously. Five hours of sleep a night was quite enough. One meal a day, at lunchtime—soup, an orange—suited her fine. Work kept her going. Her roller-coaster life had given her a high sense of drama, and she could tell a good story—too good, sometimes, for the plain-words world of science. When one neuroscientist toned down her description of their findings in a joint paper, she accused him of turning her beautiful prose into boiled spinach.

He called her a cross between Marie Curie and Maria Callas. The dark side of the brain. With a mother and twin sister who were both painters, she, too, often thought like an artist. She made intuitive, imaginative leaps which she then tested by experiment, rather than edging towards the truth in pigeon steps. Many of her papers she illustrated herself delighting to draw the haloes of nerve fibres growing out in orderly confidence from the ganglia of chicks ; she made her own clothes and designed her own jewellery.

Tiny and bird-like, with a beautiful coif of white or rinsed hair in old age, she wore high heels with her lab coat, and wielded her minute spatulas with exquisitely manicured hands. An ardent champion of scientific training for women she set up a foundation for it , she never married or had children.

It was a girlhood decision she never regretted; she simply refused to play second fiddle, as her mother had. Nor did she care to stop. She actively supported the centre-left governments of Romano Prodi and enjoyed hobbling those of Silvio Berlusconi, especially when they proposed laws unhelpful to research. One of her great wishes was to bequeath to Italy a world-class institute for scientific research. EBRI later suffered from lack of money, and she was accused of acting like an autocrat over it; but she was swiftly forgiven, in Italy at least.

In a Dance of the Seven Veils, Mr Monti, who has headed a non-party government since November , teasingly revealed his intentions. First, he announced he was ready to serve again as prime minister after the general election, which is likely to be held on February 28th. Then he launched a policy agenda. Finally he held talks with a cluster of like-minded centre-right groups. It was decided that they should form an alliance for the election to the Senate, but run independently—with as many as four sets of candidates—for the Chamber of Deputies.

Adding to the potential for confusion in the minds of voters, Mr Monti ruled himself out of the election, but not the campaign. His name will feature on the logo of the parties that support his agenda, but he himself will not be a parliamentary candidate ostensibly because, as a life senator, he is already a member.

It was not the most propitious start, especially since two of his best-known supporters decided to pull out of the race. Luca Cordero di Montezemolo, who heads NTV, a high-speed train operator, and Ferrari, a sports-car maker, feared charges of conflicts of interest. The party leading the polls is the centre-left Democratic Party PD , which has attracted scant attention since a primary election in December that saw its leader, Pier Luigi Bersani, chosen as its prime ministerial contender.

On December 29th and 30th, the PD held another primary to select parliamentary candidates. The PD put the turnout at over 1m, a respectable tally for a vote limited to party members held just after Christmas. That would be enough to give the left a working majority in both houses of parliament. A clear-cut victory, even for the centre-left, should be welcome to the markets. Romano Prodi, who headed a centre-left government in , implemented an austerity programme that was largely responsible for winning Italy admission to the euro. The minister in charge of deregulation was Mr Bersani.

Mr Bersani, a former Communist and lifelong politician, is further to the left. And it looks as if his party in parliament will also be tilted more in that direction. To secure the prime ministerial candidacy, Mr Bersani had to fight off a challenge from the moderate wing of the PD in the person of Matteo Renzi, the young mayor of Florence. But the results also furthered a much-needed rejuvenation of the PD that should help to erode its internal divisions.

A year-old will top the list of its candidates in Lombardy, the region around Milan. Her counterpart in Palermo, also a woman, is aged Mr Berlusconi is in growing difficulties. His best hope of exerting influence after the election is in the Senate. For that he needs an alliance with the Northern League, which can deliver him seats in Lombardy and Veneto. Mr Monti poses an altogether more serious challenge to Mr Bersani. What scant polling evidence there is suggests he can rob votes from the PD.

Paradoxically, it is the reassuring Mr Monti who is most likely to cause an unstable result in the form of a hung Senate. That, however, would enable Mr Monti to offer his services to Mr Bersani as a coalition partner and, just as importantly, a counter weight to the radical left. Comentarios 6. El dimisionario primer ministro italiano ha asegurado no entender a Berlusconi.

El objetivo es llevar acabo "reformas" que creen "puestos de trabajo" , dijo. Angelique Chrisafis in Paris. The Guardian , Tuesday 1 January But it is uncertain when a new version of the tax will be introduced and whether it will be watered down. He added that the exceptional tax on France's wealthy would be "adjusted without changing its objective" but did not provide details of any new proposal.

The president, who is at record unpopularity levels in the polls as he faces a grim year of further economic gloom in France, suffered a major personal blow over the weekend when France's highest court threw out his tax proposal. The temporary tax, which Hollande had described as an act of "morality" and "patriotism" by the wealthy, now faces a delay of at least a year, if not a mortal blow. The measure was rejected as unconstitutional on the basis of a technical issue, leaving France surprised that the government could have overlooked the fine detail of its flagship measure.

The embarrassed government was attacked for amateurism by political opponents to the right and left of Hollande. But it had become a crucial political marker for Hollande in terms of his support on the left.


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Dropping the measure altogether would be seen as very damaging to his political credibility. Hollande also used his new year's address, a setpiece in French politics, to reiterate what he has called his "great battle for employment". He has promised to stem France's constant rise in joblessness and ensure the numbers start to drop by the end of This task now looks extremely difficult after France saw its 19th month of rising unemployment.

The new year could soon see France breaking its own record of 3. Hollande said he did not underestimate the "serious difficulties" facing the government, admitting "this march forward has not been without bumps or setbacks" but insisting his reforms would get France "out of this crisis faster and stronger". Italy mourns loss of Jewish scientist who worked undercover under the fascists and won the Nobel prize for medicine in Associated Press in Rome.

The Guardian , Sunday 30 December Rita Levi-Montalcini, a biologist who conducted underground research in defiance of fascist persecution and won a Nobel prize for helping to unlock the mysteries of the cell, has died at her home in Rome. She was The mayor of Rome, Gianni Alemanno, said her death was a great loss "for all of humanity", adding she represented "civic conscience, culture and the spirit of research of our time".

Italy 's so-called Lady of the Cells was a Jew who lived through anti-Semitic discrimination and the Nazi invasion and became one of her country's leading scientists. She shared the Nobel prize for medicine in with US biochemist Stanley Cohen for groundbreaking research. In Italy made her a senator for life. Levi-Montalcini kept up an intensive work schedule well into old age. Her niece, Piera Levi-Montalcini, who is a city councillor in Turin, said: "A beacon of life is extinguished.

At the age of 20 she overcame her father's objections to women studying and obtained a degree in medicine and surgery from Turin University in She studied under top anatomist Giuseppe Levi, whom she often credited for her own success. After graduating, she began working as a research assistant in neurobiology but lost her job in when Italy's Fascist regime passed laws barring Jews from universities and major professions. Her family decided to stay in Italy and, as the second world war neared, she set up a makeshift lab in her bedroom where she began studying the development of chicken embryos , which would later lead to her major discovery of mechanisms that regulate cell and organ growth.

As eggs became scarce during the war, she cycled around the countryside to buy them from farmers. She was soon joined in her secret research by Levi, her university mentor, who was also Jewish and became her assistant. The German invasion of Italy in forced the family to flee to Florence and live underground. After the the city was liberated, Levi-Montalcini worked as a doctor at a refugee centre, and in she was invited to the US, where she remained for more than 20 years. During her research at Washington University in St Louis she discovered nerve growth factor, the first substance known to regulate cell growth.

She showed that when tumours from mice were transplanted into chicken embryos they induced rapid growth of the embryonic nervous system. She concluded that the tumour released a factor promoting nerve growth that affected certain cell types. Her research increased the understanding of many conditions, including tumours, developmental malformations and senile dementia. It also led to the discovery by Stanley Cohen of another substance, epidermal growth factor, which stimulates the proliferation of epithelial cells. Levi-Montalcini returned to Italy to become the director of the laboratory of cell biology at the National Council of Scientific Research in Rome in After retiring in the late s, she continued to work as a guest professor and wrote several books to popularise science.

She created the Levi-Montalcini Foundation to grant scholarships and promote education programmes worldwide, particularly for women in Africa. She had no children and never married, fearing such ties would undercut her independence. I have never felt lonely. Il Professore, sin embargo, sigue teniendo un gran problema. Updated November 13, , a.

The voting rules haven't been decided. Several parties don't have a candidate or platform. Yet the campaign got into full gear on Monday night with a U. Chiara Albanese. Rosario Crocetta says he is married to the people, but he is in a unique position to raise awareness in a conservative region.

Sicilian, devoted Catholic and homosexual. This unlikely collection of words defines Rosario Crocetta , the newly elected governor of Sicily. But his election, which has come at the expense of Silvio Berlusconi's rightwing People of Freedom party, is not a victory for Italy's gay rights movement. He is one of only two openly gay men to be elected governor in Italy, but Crocetta has never used his sexual orientation to raise awareness of gay rights, or to commit to change Italy's unique status as a western country that does not recognise any kind of same-sex union.

On the contrary, Crocetta has been quoted as saying that if he won he would refrain from sex.


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The Union of Christian and Centre Democrats, a centrist party close to the Catholic church, which joined the leftwing Democratic party to form the coalition Crocetta leads, is also likely to limit pro-gay political initiatives in the region. Crocetta's inability to act on social rights will be compounded by the lack of power given to governors under Italian legislation. Isolated initiatives approved in Emilia-Romagna, Tuscany and Umbria central and northern Italy have not positively affected daily lives of gays and lesbians, who still face social and legislative discrimination," says gay activist Stefano Bucaioni.

Crocetta has often rejected the common perception that southern Italy has a more homophobic attitude than central and northern regions. After leaving prison in England, Oscar Wilde took refuge in Palermo. Seen like this, there is lot people have to learn about the south," he said recently. Yet the latest data from Italy's national institute of statistics, Istat, seems to contradict him. Young gay people who come out in southern Italy are more likely to be the victim of acts of aggression more directed at men than women or of discrimination in the workplace and are more likely to take their own lives.

Since the beginning of his political career in , when he was elected mayor of his hometown of Gela, Crocetta has been able to offset the potential disadvantage of his sexual orientation by not emphasising it in public. The new governor is mostly known to the public for his anti-mafia initiatives and his strong religious beliefs. After he voted on Sunday, Crocetta headed back to Gela for prayers. The Catholic church, of course, still strongly opposes the introduction of gay marriage in Italy. Crocetta shares his religious affiliation with Nichi Vendola, governor of the southern region of Apulia since , and Italy's only other openly gay governor.

But unlike Crocetta, Vendola has put gay rights at the top of his political agenda, saying that he would like to marry his partner and adopt children with him, positively impacting on social attitudes towards gay people in the region and nationally. The hope is now that, having succeeded in something that would have been unbelievable only a few weeks ago, Crocetta will channel his political power to encourage greater respect for gay people, and he will use his personal story to demonstrate that a successful Italian politician can be gay and Catholic at the same time.

Catholic church mouthpiece devotes five articles to film Skyfall, praising 'beautiful Bond girls' and 'essential vodka martinis'. Tom Kington in Rome. He is known for the violent retribution he administers to his enemies, thinking nothing of shooting, stabbing or electrocuting them as he hands out justice on behalf of Queen and country, before uttering a dry quip over their corpses.

So you might imagine that James Bond 's approach to forgiveness does not have much in common with the Catholic Church. But the Vatican 's daily newspaper has overlooked such niceties and given delirious coverage to Skyfall , the latest Bond film, claiming it shows a new, introspective side of the British agent while thankfully cramming in the usual dose of exotic locations and "extremely beautiful Bond girls". L'Osservatore Romano has tried recently to move with the times, praising cult films such as the Blues Brothers, lauding Bob Dylan and publishing a women's supplement, ever since the editor, Gian Maria Vian, was told by the pope in to liven up the year-old daily.

But its Skyfall review takes things to new limits for the newspaper, which ran it in Wednesday's edition alongside coverage of the th anniversary of the Sistine Chapel, the appointment of new bishops in Peru and the Philippines, and the welcome news that catholic numbers are rising in Ireland. The 23rd Bond film is one of the best in the longest cinematic story of all time," it states, adding the film "does not lack any of the classic ingredients which have made James Bond a legend — the title credits song, adrenalin pumping action, amazing hyper-realistic chases, exotic locations, extremely beautiful Bond girls, the usual super villain and the essential vodka martini.

For the bishops, priests and cardinals itching to catch Skyfall, the paper gives a breathless breakdown of the plot, admiring the generational clash that "is the key to the film". Daniel Craig, who claimed in Casino Royale that he preferred having sex with married women, is deemed to be "ever more convincing", in his latest appearance, while Judy Dench is "perfect" as M. Javier Bardem, is described as terrific, "up there with Goldfinger, Dr No and Rosa Klebb", although no mention is given to the homoerotic feel he gives his character.

Summing up, the paper declares: "Nothing will ever be the same again on the big screen for James Bond. A background piece on Ian Fleming follows, with L'Osservatore Romano's extensive coverage wrapping up with a focus on Bond soundtracks, heaping praise on Monty Norman's Bond theme. And in a eulogy eloquent enough to make any priest sob into his bible, it praises the "two minutes of music played during the legendary gun-barrel sequence which evokes a world of impeccable dinner jackets, cocktails, casinos, luxury villas, femme fatales and powerful cars.

Mais pourquoi pas? Il n'y a pas de sujet tabou. Lire : 39 heures : le "pourquoi pas" de M. Ayrault, un "couac" pour la droite. Euro-Kris e. Michael Day. Wednesday 24 October The head of the Major Risks Commission has resigned in protest at the conviction of seven colleagues found guilty of failing to give adequate warning of the L'Aquila earthquake. Ein irischer Abgeordneter sieht durch den Mechanismus das Haftungsverbot verletzt.

Ein Entscheidung der Luxemburger Richter wird in den kommenden Monaten erwartet. Claudio Eva says ruling against him and five others for falsely reassuring statements over quake was 'eye for an eye'. An Italian physicist handed a six-year jail sentence for giving falsely reassuring statements over an earthquake has condemned as "medieval" the court that convicted him.

Claudio Eva, who was sentenced on Monday along with five other scientists and a government official over the earthquake in that killed more than people and levelled the city of L'Aquila, said the verdict was an "eye for an eye". The ruling by a court in the shattered city, which defied the commonly held view that earthquakes cannot be predicted, has prompted outrage from the world's scientific community October 5, , am.

Instead, Mr. Obama — and the economy — received some unexpected good news. Economists will spend the rest of the day parsing the numbers and arguing over exactly the best way to describe the report, but there is little question about its overall thrust: positive. Speaking to 1, supporters at George Mason University a few hours after the numbers were released, Mr. More Americans entered the work force; more people are getting jobs. The rate dropped sharply , to 7. The survey of businesses showed a smaller gain, but it also showed that hiring gains in July and August were larger than expected.

Obama conceded that too many Americans were still out of work. But he turned the good economic news into a rallying cry against his opponent, Mitt Romney , lashing him to the policies of the George W. Bush administration. But Mitt Romney sought to deny Mr. Campaigning in Abingdon, Va. Romney said the unemployment rate has declined because people have given up looking for work, and are no longer counted in the rate. So it looks like unemployment is getting better, but the truth is, if the same share of people were participating in the workforce today as on the day the president got elected, our unemployment rate would be around 11 percent.

Error rating book. Refresh and try again. Open Preview See a Problem? Details if other :. Thanks for telling us about the problem. Return to Book Page. Este inspirador libro de Dag Heward-Mills es un llamado urgente a los cristianos para que se conviertan en ganadores de almas. Get A Copy. Kindle Edition , pages. Published January 23rd by Parchment House first published June 25th More Details Other Editions 9. Friend Reviews. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up. Lists with This Book. This book is not yet featured on Listopia.

Community Reviews. Showing Rating details. All Languages. More filters. Sort order. Olebogeng rated it did not like it Jan 11, Solomon rated it it was amazing Jun 20, Sampson Duah Frimpong rated it it was amazing Jun 18, Most famous for his twenty-volume dissection of nineteenth-century French mores and society, the Rougon-Macquart novels, Zola was also an extremely accomplished short-story writer, as exemplified by t When sorrow is all new and strange, when hope has not yet got wings to fly beyond the days and weeks, and the space from summer to summer seems measureless.

Este inspirador libro de Dag Heward-Mills es un llamadourgente a los cristianos para que se convier California Teacher Handbook.