In recent years, the Institute has implemented a number of researches on history of China through different periods, and initially achieved results such as: Research on history of modern China; Xinhai Revolution; 50 years before the People's Republic of China — ; The progress of reform in China since ; The role of Chinese in South East Asia in the development of China — ; The progress of developing socio-economy in rural areas of China — …. Along with other research fields, Chinese culture and literature are also focused in recent years, among them have a number of projects at ministry level, PhD and master dissertation which are published.
Beside the researches on Chinese mainland, the Institute also concentrated on other regions such as Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, and the cooperation between them and Chinese mainland. Besides that, the Institute also researched on the relation of China — U. To explore in the rise of national security and defense of China in the first ten years of 21 st century, the significant orientations of national defense of China to find out the issues for Vietnam in current period and the upcoming years of 21 st century….
The Institute has implemented many projects and tasks at ministry level on the significant issues in the relation of Vietnam — China in the first ten years of 21 st century and the prospect towards ; the relation of Vietnam — China in consideration with the rise of China, posed issues and solutions of Vietnam in the period of — ; the situation of commerce in North West Provinces Vietnam and Yunnan China …. These researches above has strengthened the understanding of both Vietnamese and Chinese which is to promote the stable and positive relation of Vietnam — China.
Since , the Institute has carried out researching, updating the situation of China on economy, politics, society, culture, diplomacy, national security and defense annually, the situation of socio — economic development in border provinces of China and Vietnam which helps Vietnamese readers to understand current situation in China every year. The forum contributed to improve the understanding for managers, scientists, and businesses from two countries as well as opened up a new operating direction for the Institute is researching alongside with practices. Staff of the Institute participated in teaching and guiding for graduate and post graduate dissertations, assessing council in many training institutions in and out of the Academy such as: Graduate Academy of Social Sciences, Ho Chi Minh City University of Social Sciences and Humanities Faculty of History and faculty of oriental studies… , University of Economics and Business - Vietnam National University, Hanoi.
Thereby, strengthening the international exchanges with international scholars. License No. Number of visits:. Home Sitemap Contact Us Login. The forcibly evicted have been arrested, beaten or even worse. In June , holdout families clashed with a group of men hired to clear their land for the EcoPark site, leaving several villagers injured and others vowing to protect their homes should demolition crews return in Van Giang, Hung Yen Mac Lam, IRs are often viewed as discriminatory, as it is the poor and marginalized sections of the population, generally, who are required to move out of the way for development projects.
Impacts from displacement are not constant across populations: dams are built in mountainous areas and tend to affect the poor disproportionately. Those living in remote and high mountain areas have less access to education, higher dropout rates, later school enrolment, less access to formal financial services, less productive land and less off-farm employment. On average, they have lower market access and poorer returns from markets.
The difference in material living conditions of households in the deltas and those living in mountain areas is widening. The multi-ethnic makeup of Vietnam, with over fifty distinct groups and languages, adds to the difficulties of assessing and managing impact on these people and communities UNDP, Poverty Situation Analysis Of Ethnic Minorities in Vietnam In the mountain areas, compensation is often land for land. In the cities, impacted individuals are offered more options. For example, they can be offered a choice among several options: a money; b land for land, that is a comparable apartment or house in the resettlement area; or c buying land at a preferential price in their current neighborhood.
One reason for this difference is that impacted individuals in cities have a stronger political voice. Land prices issued by the government are not updated relative to changes in market price in some localities, leaving resettled households at a disadvantage. In some cases. Due to the lack of specific guidance on the process of determining applicable land prices, each province or city offers different solutions which may cause inequalities across cases.
In the vast majority of cases, the administrative decision was imposed and not in line with market prices. Additionally, in many cases, compensation for resettlement is slow Gillespie et al. Thus, if they do not explicitly complain, they are assumed to be satisfied. Some households are not satisfied with the compensation price for land, crops or limit of support for agricultural land.
However, after considering and clarifying, PC of Gia Lai concludes that the compensation plan for those households are totally in compliance with regulations of the State and PC of Gia Lai province. After that, those households have received compensation and support as provided in the approved compensation plan.
Most of the EIA for industrial development, mining and urban transportation projects we reviewed scarcely addressed the forecasting of ecological and social impact and included very little information and data on local diversity biology, ethnography, cultural heritage, or archeology in their reports. Yet disregarding the culture of the impacted households can lead to inappropriate resettlement attempts, for example by building flat houses for people who live in stilt houses.
Even in countries with the most advanced universities and research institutions, there are still controversies on the capacity of science to adequately forecast impacts on natural ecosystems or human systems. There is a risk that qualitative impacts, which are even harder to measure, are simply dropped out of the ESIA.
Beyond quantitative measures, e. This poses the problem of process overtaking substance, creating situations where the studies are modified rather than the projects they are intended to inform.
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For example, the consultants who perform the ESIA may have to ask people if they accept the proposed compensation. While they have a limited mandate, this is in fact an intervention, not an observation. They are dis-incentivized to report negative impacts which may delay or impede project approval, affecting their pay.
Whistleblowing also jeopardizes future business. Even if the social impact subcontractor finds issues which may stop the project, the report still has to go through the EIA subcontractor, the main consultant and the project owner before going to the funding organization. Each of these stages opens up possibilities for modifying, removing or re-doing sections describing risks fatal to the project. Investors and owners have an interest in exploiting any loopholes in the impact estimation guidelines in order to highlight positive impacts, minimize negative outcomes and downplay mitigation issues.
This can happen in spite of the quality of experts and forecasting technology, because there is always some scientific ambiguity in the subject matter. Most social aspects are not easily captured in precise, deterministic quantified assessments. Thus, irrespective of the political situation in a given country, decisions about infrastructure development often challenge democratic processes. They are undertaken by governments and implemented in the name of higher national interests by large public and private actors. Such projects are not ultimately decided by the affected people.
Publishing relevant project information to the widest possible audience would open up more possibilities for dialogue around impact. Alan Potkin for example notes that aesthetic issues caused by the de-watering of cascades by hydro projects in the Mekong area can be understood better by interactive multimedia experiences than by traditional ESIA methods.
Communication on social platforms open to comments by all netizens has become common for all projects in Vietnam. People in urban areas have wider access to public information, media and to the authorities than affected communities in remote areas. Poor people, people in remote areas, less educated people and ethnic minorities have little or no effective choice or decision-making power.
This should lead to different approaches to Social Impact Assessment if the goal is to assess impact as accurately as possible and generate meaningful solutions. For example, oral methods in local languages may have to be used instead of written questionnaires in Vietnamese. After that period, if there has been no written response from the stakeholders to the project owner, then it is considered that there is no opposition to the project plans. Hydropower is likely to continue to be an important part of energy infrastructure in the near to medium future.
Resettlement for hydropower projects has become a kind of lightning rod for questions of environmental justice in Vietnamese society. Compensation is the key issue, overshadowing other social impact considerations. Consultation mechanisms and compensation schemes that give a strong voice to impacted people and make project advancement contingent on resolution of any claims are an important part of managing resettlements for sustainable outcomes.
Dialogue alleviates the problem of dependent expertise. New collaboration practices can improve the investment of all stakeholders in the assessment process, from project owners to funders to impacted people, and lead to more robust decisions. ESIA is not an insurance policy. Tracey Strange is a consultant at Frink Advanced Services. The Extractive Industries and Society.
ISSN: X. Online, , accessed Duncan R.
Environ Impact Assess Rev —4. In the study, the social price of soybean is the respective import parity price of soybean equivalents at the farm gate as an imported commodity.
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The CIF price is adjusted at the farm gate by adding to it the transportation cost from the port of Ho Chi Minh City, one of the biggest ports in Vietnam. The value of transportation is assumed to be equal to 1 percent of the CIF price of soybean. The social price of soybean at the farm gate is then calculated by subtracting the distribution costs to farm.
As for tradable inputs, Vietnam has been importing chemical fertilizer, pesticides, fuel and other major farm inputs from international markets. Thus, the tradable inputs for fertilizer, fuel, etc.
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However, because of complications for pesticide price, the social price of pesticides was not calculated in the study. Regarding domestic factors, since these factors are not tradable internationally and thus do not have world price, their social opportunity costs are estimated through observations of rural factor markets.
The domestic inputs in the study are hired labor, machinery etc. They are assumed to be equal to the maximum prices in the sample. The social prices of soybean is calculated by adjusting form the international price to farm-gate level presented in Table 5. Similarly, the social price of tradable inputs such as fertilizers and diesel are also estimated in Table 6 and Table 7. Getting the results from these above tables Table 5 , 6, 7 , the full set of social prices for the illustrative soybean system is presented in the following Table 8.
After the calculation of private and social prices for tradable, non-tradable inputs and soybean, Table 9 shows a farm budget. The table is divided into two blocks. The first block records private prices, calculates the costs of inputs, and separates these costs into their tradable and non-tradable components. The second block is similar to the first block but all the values are calculated in social prices. The summary information from Table 9 is extracted to form a PAM of soybean production as shown in Table The principal determinant of transfers to farm production activity is the difference between world and domestic prices.
The study shows that farmers received the private soybean price of 5,VND per kilogram. The CIF price of soybean is 5,VND per kilogram equivalent to a farm-gate social price after converting to social costs and subtracting the social value of transport costs. The ability of an agricultural system to compete without distorting government policies can be strengthened or eroded by changes in economic conditions. Dynamic comparative advantage refers to shifts in competitiveness that occur over time because of changes in three categories of economic parameters — long-run world prices of tradable outputs and inputs, social opportunity costs of domestics factors of production labor, capital and land , and production technologies used in farming or marketing.
Collectively, these three parameters determine comparative advantage. The DRC serves as a proxy measure for social profits. Minimizing the DRC is equivalent to maximizing social profits. Comparative advantage is an indicator of potential advantage and will be fully received if there is no policy distortion in the system. If a commodity has comparative advantage, its production is economically efficient. Based on information provided in Table 10 , the DRC of soybean-farming system is 0. This result indicates that the soybean system has a comparative advantage.
In other words, soybean production in An Giang has the same comparative advantage to that in Can Tho. The determination of profit actually received by farmers is a straightforward and important initial result of the PAM approach. The results indicate which farmers are currently competitive. Based on information given in Table 10 , the PCR of soybean production is 0. This result indicates that soybean cultivation is profitable and thus competitive.
Divergences cause private prices to differ from their social counterparts. A divergence arises either because a distorting policy intervenes to cause a private market price to diverge from an efficient price or because underlying market forces have failed to provide an efficient price. Divergences in PAM can also be indicated by the ratio between the values in the first row private prices and the values in the second row social prices.
Table 11 shows output transfers of soybean production. Both values of NPCO are less than 1. This result indicates that soybean farmers received slightly lower prices than they would have received facing world prices or that systems are receiving very slight protection. The positive output transfers are caused mainly by indirect quantitative restriction quotas on soybean imports. Moreover, the value of NPCI is 1. This result indicates that soybean farmers are taxed when they buy tradable inputs. Details of tradable input transfers of soybean production are presented in Table The EPCs of the soybean farming systems are depicted in Table It indicates that there is no subsidy of soybean production in the soybean output and tradable input markets from government policies.
The costs or profits of soybean producers are 17 percent less than they would have been in the absence of policy on output and tradable inputs.
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The aim of sensitivity analysis in this section is to examine whether soybean production will have comparative advantage or not when the key factors vary and change in the future. The results of sensitivity analysis of a PAM are performed in Table In compliance with WTO rules, the import tariff for soybean has to decrease from 15 percent to 5 percent. Table 14 shows that when the soybean tariff is reduced from 15 percent to 5 percent, soybean production in Vietnam still has a comparative advantage since the DRC becomes 0. Thus, we assume that the price of fertilizers will go up about 10 percent in the future and then we investigate how the change of the PAM ratios is.
The result shows that soybean farmers in Vietnam still have comparative ability when the prices of fertilizer increase 10 percent. The analysis indicates that there are no big changes for Vietnamese soybean in terms of competitiveness and soybean cultivation and that Vietnam would still have a comparative advantage when the exchange rate increases 10 percent. Calculating the costs, income and profit of soybean production, we described and estimated briefly the current situation of soybean production in Vietnam.
It revealed that with the average soybean yield of kg per 10a, farmers obtained income of 1. After excluding input costs such as fertilizers, pesticides, hired labors, machinery service etc.
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The financial ratios of soybean production showed if the farmer invested 1VND into soybean production, they could earn 1. In addition, the ratio of profit to family labor indicated it was more profitable for Vietnamese soybean farmers to do their own farming than to work as hired laborers for other farmers. In other words, they could obtain the much higher amount of opportunity cost of around ,VND per day from soybean cultivation in comparison with the average hired labor of 35,VND per day in the Vietnamese rural areas.
By applying the approach of policy analysis matrix PAM to analyze the competitiveness of soybean production in Vietnam, the study showed that soybean production had a comparative advantage since DRC was less than 1. Moreover, we determined that government policy had almost no positive impacts on the soybean farmers. It even reduced the competitiveness of Vietnamese soybean.
Because PAM analysis could not capture the potential changes in prices and productivity, the results of scenarios in Table 14 are subject to changes in market conditions. Some sensitivity analyses were estimated to catch some potential changes.