Online advertising brings in nothing like the same income as print advertising once did. Few readers are willing to pay for online content, because people are used to free consumption. The German media has developed very different approaches to deal with this financially threatening situation. Some, like the tabloid Bild Zeitung, have put up a paywall, offering their digital version Bild.
A new trend is to use native advertising, which is attractive to advertisers, but undermines journalistic standards by mixing journalism and ads in a way which is not transparent to readers. Journalistic quality is already spiraling downwards. Newspapers like The Financial Times Deutschland have closed, around jobs have been lost since , and the growing number of freelancers are badly paid and live under precarious conditions.
Foreign reporting has been reduced and the number of underreported areas is growing, because research trips are costly and correspondent posts are disappearing. The new trend in the German media is that everything can be reported on by anybody in the news room. This means that research tends to be Internet based and second hand—a disturbing development. Users notice this decline in quality and lose trust in the media, as several recent surveys have shown.
A growing number of Germans believe that. At the same time, there are some very creative and interesting new media-projects in online-journalism. These show that there is also reason for optimism. Data-journalism has developed as a new field, making huge data understandable and transparent to readers. The individual journalist can now reach his or her readership directly via their own platform, without needing a publishing house. Digitalization offers new opportunities for individuals and media organizations to start a fruitful dialogue with their read-.
The media are looking for new sources of finance via crowdfunding and through the support of foundations. There is a new generation of journalists which could still win the game by combining proper journalism with new digital forms and techniques. In Germany, this has been guaranteed for a long time by public service radio and TV, as well as by a huge variety of newspapers or magazines. Historically, a very specific role in this media landscape was played by the large number of regional newspapers, who were local and close to the people, but also offered reporting from correspondents nationally and abroad.
Digitalization has led to changing reading habits and to an erosion of traditional business models. Today, all media finds itself in a period of fundamental change whose outcome we cannot predict. It remains to be seen whether quality, professional journalism survives this phase, or whether it declines to a degree that could endanger democratic society. So far, the picture is mixed: digitalization offers great chances for journalists and media, but at the same time poses major risks.
Money plays a crucial role. Publishing houses have lost their traditional business model, where ad-. Missed an event at the IWM? But now what is at stake above all is the internet—and first and foremost social networks, which fulfill the function of the news media when real media outlets cannot fulfill their functions professionally.
But with everything I have detailed, the worst type of deformation that can happen in journalism and to journalists is an internal deformation. Where there should be a single task—finding and reporting information—a second, contradictory one arises: interesting information is dangerous; it needs to be concealed or at least meted out in doses. What does this situation mean for Europe? That all the information that they get—from official or unofficial sources—needs to be subjected to a careful reading and corrective. And above all this affects the main information bubble of recent years: the myth of massive support for Putin, that Russia and Putin are one and the same.
Millions have been spent to convince the West of this. The reality is far from being so straightforward—but there are fewer and fewer opportunities to see this. What does this situation mean for Russia? That in the very near future there will be almost no remaining sources of information that can be trusted—and this against the backdrop of a mass societal depression,.
FILTER THE LIST BY:
In essence, the country could return to Soviet standards, to times when the only way to find out what is happening in the country and the world was to arbitrarily interpret official publications. But now the balance of power is shifting. Small, new-style outlets— with small budgets and small staffs, with a limited menu of services, often existing as and with the legal status of individual blogs—are on the leading edge, in the front row, so to speak. They have no masters, they have comparatively small audiences, they are diversified each one is trying to reach its own—relatively sparse—niche audience.
But the total audience for this eclectic group of sites is very big—and it is united by a mistrust for official sources of information. This is a fairly new thing. For the first time in two and a half decades, independent journalism in Russia lacks a flagship publication and if one appeared, its days would be numbered—it would be marked as enemy number one. This demands work and responsibility from the reader, who is simultaneously an interpreter.
And it also demands effort to preserve the little that remains of Russian media—it could become the beginning of a new phase. Maria Stepanova is an essayist, journalist and poet. RU, a media website dedicated to cultural and social issues launched in The loss of credibility of journalists is more evident in authoritarian countries where journalism is vital for the exercise of political liberties and improvement of human rights. On the other hand, many mainstream journalists have a higher profile than ever before; with millions of followers on social media and many more followers via prime time TV debate programmes.
Yet despite the growth of social media, journalists are still dependent on the platform provided to them by media organisations in order to earn a living and have an influence on the public opinion. The case of Turkey is very illustrative of how this cycle of diminishing credibility of journalism, the celebrity status of journalists and dependence of journalists on large news organisations effect the style and quality of journalism especially in the mainstream media.
Turkish media have never been free and independent throughout its modern history. Journalists reporting views of political dissidents or ethnic and religious minorities have always been under severe pressure, losing their jobs, facing imprisonment and even death. But within the last decade, something unique started to take place in the country, where previously mainstream journalists who were approved and encouraged by the previous and present governments started to lose their jobs and face imprisonment and even physical attacks.
During this period, the number of journalists who lost their jobs in Turkey exceeded hundreds with over a dozen dissident newspapers and TV stations were taken over by the state and dozens of journalists were put in jail. Surprisingly, the repression faced by these journalists, who were previously treated as celebrities, did not cause a significant public outcry in Turkey.
In fact, effects of sacking of journalists from newspapers and TV stations were generally negligible and the ruling AK Party increased its share of votes despite the ceaseless judicial campaign of taking over dissident media organizations. How can we explain the public apathy towards the suffering of these mainstream journalists?
Some of the mainstream journalists who lost their jobs in recent years used to join senior members of the government in their foreign or domestic visits which is a sure sign of government approval in Turkish context and penned praising arti-. These multilayered changes—which have completely transformed our notions of journalism as both a product and a profession—affect everyone.
Nonetheless, the Russian situation is entirely unique. I often have to think and speak about the systemic crisis that independent media outlets in Russia are facing. In contrast to the tectonic shifts that are happening in the Western media, this crisis is manmade. It is the result of deliberate efforts, of calculated policy, which over the 15 years of the Putin regime has led to a more or less total substitution of classical media outlets by phantom or sham television channels, newspapers, or internet projects, the sole objective of which is to imitate the existence of a free press under unfree conditions.
Even now, against a backdrop of political and economic crisis, so much money is invested in the creation of these projects that it could fund the budget of a small state. The methods used to destroy the independent press are designed to dismantle, one by one, any and all publications that could compete with the phantom media. Fifteen years have passed since the destruction of NTV the leading independent television channel —and in the meantime the biggest television channels, publications, and even entire publishing houses have been shut down or forcibly reformed.
Now the focus is on a new and complex task—attempting to control the internet. The real picture of what has happened is this: media has essentially ceased to be a business. For owners and investors, the risks associated with such dangerous properties outweigh the financial and reputational gain; they are looking to divest themselves of their media concerns, and they make strategic and personnel decisions without taking into account the business component. Journalism education like the entire system of humanities education is as good as destroyed, and professional standards are eroding or being done away with.
State media outlets essentially grow out of the yellow press, in every sense: organizationally, stylistically, ideologically. Their name is legion. They positioned themselves as mainstream journalists through the media outlets they work and through their articles in support of the government. With the changing political context, many of them tried to reposition themselves as dissident journalists by appearing in the small independent media outlets and voicing their criticisms of the government. However, repositioning oneself in such a way is not always successful.
In the case of Turkey, it did not necessarily translate into the public support. This situation indicates that the celebrity status that the journalists enjoy and public trust do not necessarily coincide. Although a prominent role given to a journalist by a media institution is crucial for them attain public prominence, continued public support requires a consistent high quality journalism. This loss of credibility goes hand in hand with the inadequate level of self reflection in the industry.
Such a self reflection or criticism is particularly difficult under authoritarian governments. When journalists are under government repression, it often becomes extremely difficult to criticize the quality of their journalism. Although the reason for their repression is not the quality of their journalism, journalists who keep repositioning themselves with the changing political context is one of the reasons for the decline of independent journalism.
Journalism in Turkey suffers from the lack of a tradition of independent and free press and thus unable to gain the trust of the public. In the absence of strong institutions and rule of law, what can protect Turkish journalists against government repression is a broad public support for independent journalism that would make it costly for a government to repress critical journalists. Defending journalists facing repression in Turkey should not necessarily prevent criticisms of the current situation of journalism in Turkey.
The Future of the State and the State of the Future by ekaterina schulmann In a new economy, the contours of which we are only beginning to grasp—post-industrial, post-scarcity, post-work—what might the state look like? What will happen to those who do not fit into this brave new world? There is the notion of the impending state-as-service, which brings together producers and consumers of services, thereby minimizing or automating itself almost completely. In this libertarian scenario, the government retains only the functions of legitimate violence border protection, army, police, penitentiary system —although even here traditional armies and battle lines will be replaced by military companies, operators of drones and pilotless planes, and hybrid conflicts, in which the main component is not direct violence, but propaganda and the media.
This notion makes sense: new technologies are capable of thoroughly individualizing civic life, both through the return of elements of direct democracy as a permanent referendum through networked resources and via technological means. If an individual energy source is responsible for delivering heating and energy to each house, it changes both the system of city government and civic consciousness.
This is usually explained through humanitarian arguments: the rich thought that the poor were poor because of their own laziness and depravity, and thus they made the receipt of welfare dependent on fulfilling complicated and demeaning conditions, assuming that without them the recipients would drink it all away or otherwise waste it. But it turned out that the poor are poor because they have been unjustly excluded from the global system of wealth distribution, and if we simply give them money, they will spend it like all normal people—on additional food and items for their children.
But if we put aside these moral considerations, it becomes clear what this policy leads to: the direct stimulation of consumer demand. The automation and roboticization of production, simultaneously increasing its efficiency and the productive power of labor, render firstworld societies richer, while also destroying thousands of jobs. An Era of Post-Statism? This is most reminiscent of the situation from the Late Middle Ages to the dawn of the Age of Absolutism: free cities, small kingdoms and duchies within a structure like the Holy Roman Empire whose head was elected or the Hanseatic League, and above all of this the unifying notion of Christendom with the related idea that its values must be spread among all still-unenlightened nations.
A recurring aspect of these forecasts is that the hallmark of the future increasingly tends to be the replication of medieval practices on a new technological level. We do not fully realize the degree to which our implicit conceptions of the state and civic life are shaped by the absolutist period.
Thus, all these various scenarios for the medium-term future can be read as a unified scenario for moving into an era of post-statism. Will the new state be invisible or all-pervading, or will it be both at the same time? The state of the future will be transparent—but the citizens of the future will also become completely transparent.
Every moment of their lives will be recorded by numerous video services, but even more than that: they themselves will describe it all, entirely voluntarily, on social media—those new arenas of civic life, where we might well soon run for office, and vote, and hold protests, and use government services. In a cer-. The twilight of the era of carbon fuels is forcibly driving Russia out of its rosy oil-fueled paradise into reality, where you have to adapt to circumstances, rather than making circumstances adapt to you.
Has it not yet again managed to show a bureaucratized Europe, clinging to its traditional leftist sympathies, a negative example? The prospect of missing the train bound for a bright tomorrow is frightening. Of course, historical time flows for everyone—you cannot wall yourself off from it. No actor of a historical process can bury his head in the sand of the comfortable present, having declared that he does not like the changes that are happening and that he does not want to take part in them. The future will come for everyone, but not everyone will hold an equal place in it.
From this point of view contemporary Russian statehood, built on a paternalistic model of the centralized distribution of resources, looks audaciously archaic. And that is a recipe for decline. This article, translated and edited by Kate Younger, was partly published in the Russian daily Vedomosti on February 23, Resilient Neoliberalism? Crises are typically moments for critical choices, when established policy paradigms collapse and alternatives are tested. The Great Depression sounded the death knell for economic liberalism.
The victorious alternative, Keynesianism, was itself discredited half a century later, with the end of Fordism and the emergence of a new version of economic liberalism—neoliberalism. However, the Great Recession seems to be an exception. A growing literature has grappled with the surprising resilience of neoliberalism, even after its spectacular failure. It asks why, despite the clear limitations of neoliberalism and the obvious need for closer regulation, there has been no apparent change of course. Persuasive as these explanations are, an alternative analysis is required; one that looks at variations and policy experimentation in a number of countries instead of stressing a common trend.
Most literature on the policy responses to the Great Recession focuses on public debt and the politics of austerity. My research instead looks at private debt—especially mortgage debt—and banking crises. Ever since the s, governments have moved away from providing public social housing and have instead promoted private home ownership. At the same time, mortgage markets have been deregulated and households have accrued increasing mortgage debt in order to finance their homes.
The Great Recession was, as is well-known, triggered by US subprime lending and financial speculation around mortgages. It is therefore fair to say that house price explosions, mortgage debt and banking crises are at the core of the neoliberal failure. However, it is often overlooked that soaring property prices and unsustainable mortgage debt caused economic breakdown not only in the US, but also in many peripheral countries, especially in Europe. Finding themselves at the brink of sovereign default, these countries have.
Meanwhile, over-indebted homeowners have faced losing their homes. Hungary and Iceland The answer is: in vastly different ways. Take the cases of Hungary and Iceland, whose governments have, for different reasons, declined to play by the rules of the neoliberal textbook. Hungary subsequently severed its ties with the IMF and squeezed the banks. It imposed a bank levy and transaction costs, and forced the banks to swap foreign currency mortgage loans—most Hungarians had taken out mortgages in Swiss Francs—into Hungarian forints, partly at preferential rates.
A large number of these homes have been acquired by a National Asset Management Company, and former owners now live in their homes as tenants. The new government actively intervened in financial and housing markets. As in Hungary, a substantial part of the costs of mortgage loan restructuring was pushed. Nor did the bankers themselves get away with the mess they had created: since the crisis, a total of 26 bankers have received prison sentences.
The government also waived mortgage debt and undertook steps towards creating a more diversified housing market, and used social policies to mitigate the costs of the mortgage and debt crisis. Ireland and Latvia The Hungarian and Icelandic policy responses could not be more different from those of the countries that embraced neoliberal solutions, such as Ireland or Latvia.
While Iceland let its banks go bust, Ireland saved them at tremendous cost. While Iceland pushed some of the costs of the crisis onto foreigners, Ireland internalized the costs to save German and French bondholders. The Irish government issued a blanket guarantee of all liabilities of its troubled bank, and had to engage in massive austerity as a consequence. Very little has been done to help indebted homeowners or to. The Latvian government mostly focused on the macroeconomic aspects of the crisis.
Its priority was to defend its currency peg at all costs, in order to qualify for euro accession. The government saw this as the only way to shield indebted homeowners—most of whom had taken loans in euros rather than lats—from the massive exchange-rate risk. However, the Latvian government was less concerned with helping overindebted homeowners; facing opposition from the banks, it quickly abandoned the idea of a household mortgage restructuring scheme. Instead, debt restructuring was left to the banks, which typically granted longer grace periods on repayments or extended loan maturities, but set these off through higher interest rates.
As a result, the overall value of debt remained the same. Worse still, as housing prices collapsed, many home owners were still indebted, even after banks had repossessed their homes. As in Ireland, many over-indebted homeowners were pushed into emigration. Banks were important players in all four cases; yet while some countries confronted them, others gave in to their interests. Neoliberal policy has not been victorious everywhere, and in some cases democratic politics have swept governments into power that were ready to break with the economic orthodoxy. Second, and arguably more importantly: in none of the four countries has the crisis been resolved.
While policy solutions differ, banks everywhere have become reluctant to lend, and access to affordable housing has remained a major social issue. What do these policy responses tell us about the resilience of neoliberalism? Two things stand out. First, policy experimentation on. Januar im Wiener Burgtheater diskutiert wurde.
Europa stehe daher vor der Wahl, diese Entwicklungen passiv abzuwarten oder aktiv mitzugestalten. Welche Ambitionen stehen hinter dem Freihandelsabkommen und wie ist es um die Balance zwischen den zwei Vertragspartnern bestellt? Petra Pinzler. Dennoch gelingt es uns seit Jahren nicht, die USA hier zu verpflichten. Peter-Tobias Stoll. Uneinigkeit herrschte auch bei der Frage, wie die Rolle von Schiedsgerichten und der Schutz von Investorenrechten zu beurteilen sei. Daher sei es notwendig gewesen, auf bilateraler Ebene aktiv zu werden.
Ein Schritt, der von vielen Beobachtern als negative Entwicklung gewertet wird — u. Aus demokratiepolitischer Sicht seien in diesem Zusammenhang drei Prinzipien von entscheidender Bedeutung, so Pinzler: 1. Wie transparent ist das Verfahren? Ist das Ergebnis letztlich zufriedenstellend?
Geht es um die Akzeptanz unterschiedlicher Standards oder deren Angleichung? Shalini Randeria. Beides zusammen wird nicht funktionieren. Sonntag, Democracy, Post-Democracy, or Counter-Democracy? Chinese Academic Discourse on Energy Security. Siu Professor of Anthropology, Yale University.
The Haunted House. Beck see IWMpost Video on www. Understanding Ukraine and the nature of the current conflict with Russia is vital for the future of the European endeavor. This series seeks to contribute to this exchange. Once a month, public lectures take place in the IWM library on subjects related to the main research fields of the Institute. For further information about our fellows and guests see p.
More information about all past and upcoming events on: www. Seminars Faces of Eastern Europe This seminar series is a forum to discuss issues connected to the economies, politics and societies of Eastern Europe in an interdisciplinary, comparative perspective. Russia in Global Dialogue This series of events aims at intensifying intellectual debate between Russia and Europe.
Helga Nowotny Professor em. Sadik al-Azm Professor em. This week's Economist features the harshest criticism of the Interphone project to date. Under the headline "Mobile Madness," the article charges that the "massive" study "has ended in chaos" - even before the final paper has been submitted for publication. The magazine goes on to say that, because nine of the 13 participating countries have reported their findings individually, the public has been assaulted with a "farrago of misinformation.
Formerly a reporter for the Telegraph , Fleming pins his hopes of finding out whether there is cell phone-tumor risk on future prospective studies, however long they might take. After all, all interphone members signed conflict of interests declarations, so what's the problem? It's time to release the results of the Interphone project, the largest and most expensive cell phone epidemiological study ever attempted. Yet, the paper has not yet been published and the participants refuse to discuss what they found. Many observers believe that the Interphone study points to a long-term risk of developing tumors.
But we will not know for sure until the results are made public. Any further delay would be close to scandalous. Read the complete story on our Web site: microwavenews. T he association between cellular phone use and develop- ment of parotid gland tumors PGTs. Interphone Isr.
The experts: Don't panic, it's only cancer Interphone Isr. Interphone 2. Call it Interphone 2. This new project addresses brain tumors and occupational exposures to EMFs and chemicals and this time the U. Let's keep quiet about it, so none will know. Have you heard about the new study of the Interphone from 5 countries? Have you read in the news that prof Hardell says that these results actually confirm his findings? Have you read in the news that when the authors write in the abstract, "We found no evidence of increased risk of glioma related to regular mobile phone use", by "regular" they mean on average once a week during at least 6 months.
If you haven't heard all this, you are not alone. There was simply no press release. But you probably couldn't get away of all the press items on the Danish study that denied a link yet did not reveal it was industry funded that was white-washed through the Danish association"against" cancer. Schoemaker 3, Helle C.
We conducted a population-based case-control study to investigate the relationship between mobile phone use and risk of glioma among 1, glioma patients and 3, controls. No significant association was found across categories with duration of use, years since first use, cumulative number of calls or cumulative hours of use. When the linear trend was examined, the OR for cumulative hours of mobile phone use was 1. We found no increased risks when analogue and digital phones were analyzed separately. Although our results overall do not indicate an increased risk of glioma in relation to mobile phone use, the possible risk in the most heavily exposed part of the brain with long-term use needs to be explored further before firm conclusions can be drawn.
Siegal Sadetzki, the principal Israeli researcher for the "Interphone" study and head of clinical epidemiology and director of the cancer and radiation epidemiology unit at Sheba Medical Center's Gertner Institute, said results of the study were very interesting but that none of the participants could talk yet.
Sadetzki said alleged harm to health caused by cellphones and their giant antennas was difficult to pin down because it was hard to control all factors. Widespread use of mobile phones began worldwide only about a decade ago, she said, adding that environmental damage often showed up decades after exposure. A study documenting the carcinogenic effects in Japanese survivors of the atomic bomb blast in Hiroshima in was published only in , she said. Sadetzki said one-sixth of the world's population used cellphones. She said she was shocked to see that the length of cellphone conversations by Israelis was considerably longer than in most other countries, adding: "And third-generation cellphones [which use more power] have not yet been tested.
Regarding possible cancer risks, especially to the head and brain, she said British studies did not prove a connection, while results of Scandinavian studies were mixed. For example, the Swedish study found four times the risk of head cancers on the side of the head that people held their cellphones, using them for more than 10 years, compared to non-users. Another Nordic study found no smoking gun. Sadetzki said it was clear that extra caution must be taken with children since they absorb more energy into their heads because they are smaller and cancer is more common in children whose cells divide for growth.
Sadetzki's case-controlled studies examined 1, patients with head tumors and looked at their cellphone use, comparing that with controls. Environment Minister Gideon Ezra described the difficulties of cleaning up the country's water, air and land. He said he had changed the name of his office from the "Ministry of Environmental Quality" to the "Ministry of Environmental Protection" to stress the need to protect dwindling untouched resources from pollution. Not charging for dumping in legal sites would save the environment from severe damage, he said.
A feature on the environmental health conference will appear in the Health Page on Sunday, November Some results have been made public, but not the overall findings, which could come any time now. The objective is to recruit at least persons in each study centre 50 of them would use the SMPs. Ideally this would be a random sample of cell phone users. Usage whilst in motion, either in a train or car, should be covered, as well as stationary usage in an office and at home. It is made with an intention. Why don't researchers of tobacco define someone who smokes 1 cigarette a week as "a regular smoker"?
They immediately get the point and the purpose of the study. I am talking about non- scientific people.
Angeletics Work in Progress
It is misleading and not honest to use this definion and then to write at the conclusions like in the Interphone german study for example that there was no increased risk for regular users, while the definition itself does not represent regular users at all. J Expo Sci Environ Epidemiol. This paper examines the effects of systematic and random errors in recall and of selection bias in case-control studies of mobile phone use and cancer.
Recall error scenarios simulated plausible values of random and systematic, non-differential and differential recall errors in amount of mobile phone use reported by study subjects. Plausible values for the recall error were obtained from validation studies. Selection bias scenarios assumed varying selection probabilities for cases and controls, mobile phone users, and non-users. Results suggest that random recall errors of plausible levels can lead to a large underestimation in the risk of brain cancer associated with mobile phone use.
Random errors were found to have larger impact than plausible systematic errors. Differential errors in recall had very little additional impact in the presence of large random errors. Selection bias resulting from underselection of unexposed controls led to J-shaped exposure-response patterns, with risk apparently decreasing at low to moderate exposure levels. Journal of Exposure Science and Environmental Epidemiology advance online publication, 14 June ; doi ICNIRP seems to be a closed organisation that elects its own members and without full disclosure how it is financed.
Furthermore "non-participating controls were replaced" thus with potential for selection bias for the controls. In fact participating controls were more affluent than both non-participating controls and participating cases. There is a clear gradient of mobile phone use as to social class. The "unexposed" group was thus not truly unexposed to microwaves. The analysis of laterality is doubtful since the "unexposed" group contained subjects with exposure to microwaves on the opposite side of the head than analysed; analysis of ipsilateral exposure with contralateral exposure classified as "unexposed" and analysis of contralateral exposure with ipsilateral exposure classified as "unexposed".
We note that the numbers of interviewed cases are not constant. In the abstract cases are reported but in Table 2 numbers of tumour grade and side of phone use are given for cases, see footnotes. Brain tumour cases may not be ideally interviewed face to face shortly after their operation due to serious cognitive behavioural defects such as memory loss and aphasia. In the Danish Interphone study cases with glioma scored significantly lower than controls due to problems in recalling words aphasia and symptoms due to paralysis.
As to urban and rural living the investigators seam just to have asked about the study subjects own ideas on that without relying on official statistics. Thus these data are less informative compared with our data where we used the Swedish Population Registry for municipality for all cases and controls and Statistics Sweden for further classification into 6 categories of population density. It is unfortunate that the current publication does not give results for high-grade and low-grade glioma separately.
It is interesting to note that the article cites critics of our studies published even before our results appeared in scientific literature. Two of the cited reports have never been published in a pre- review journal and are thus not possible to rebut. The third cited report was published in , thus even when our first large case-control study was on going and no data had been reported.
Furthermore, there seems to be a link to the mobile phone industry among some of the cited authors. Also this study was heavily telecom industry funded. The contract stipulated that the industry has the right to be informed about the results a maximum of seven days before the publication. In a review of health studies on environmental tobacco smoke the rate ratio of a paper with at least one author with industry associations reaching an industry-favourable conclusion was 3.
Membership might be a conflict of interest. Finally, we do not agree with the statement in the accompanied editorial that "any risk to the individual mobile phone user of developing brain pathology is fleetingly small" and that there is "no need to apply the precautionary principle" for mobile use.
Mobile phone use and risk of glioma in adults: case- control study. BMJ ; Pooled analysis of two case - control studies on the use of cellular and cordless telephones and the risk of benign brain tumours diagnosed during Int J Oncol ; Pooled analysis of two case - control studies on use of cellular and cordless telephones and the risk of malignant brain tumours diagnosed during Christensen HC, Sch? Cellular telephones and risk for brain tumors.
A population-based, incident case-control study. Neurology ; Use of cellular telephones and brain tumour risk in urban and rural areas. Occup Environ Med ; Case-control study on the association between the use of cellular and cordless telephones and malignant brain tumors diagnosed during Env Res ; DOI: Hardell L. From phenoxyacetic acids to cellular telephones: Is there historic evidence of the precautionary principle in cancer prevention? Int J Health Services ; Environmental tobacco smoke research published in the journal Indoor and Built Environment and associations with the tobacco industry.
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Hasebrink, U: Dreyer, S. Download pdf. Digitale Welten, analoge Inseln - Die Vermessung de Wimmer, J. Sachs-Hombach, J. Thon eds. Cologne: Herbert von Halem Verlag, pp. Averbeck-Lietz, M. Meyen eds. Interview on August 8, at welt. Woodbridge: Camden House In: sehepunkte, vol. In: Hans-Bredow-Institut eds. Taddicken, M. Taddicken eds. Schmidt, M. From the Individual to the Network Society]. Stiegler, P. Breitenbach, T.
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Spiegel des DP-Problems oder zionistischer Heimatfilm? Defrance, J. Denis, J. Maspero eds. Hahn, R. Hohlfeld, Th. Knieper eds. Constance: UVK, pp. Gasser, U. Observations from a Series of National Case Studies. Heise, N. How Journalists Communicate with the Audience]. In: epd medien, No. Hasebrink : Jugendschutzsoftware im Erziehungsalltag. Acceptance and Application of Technica In: International Journal of Communication, Vol. Fischer [A Review of Thomas E. Hamburg: trediti Context Collapse in Scholarly Communication Online.
Bondi, S. Cacchiani, D. Mazzi eds. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, p In: J-H. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien, pp. Georgakopoulou, T. Spilioti eds. In: Forschungsverbund Deutsches Jugendinstitut e. Siegert, K. Chan-Olmsted, M. Ots eds. In: Media History 21 4 , , pp. Grafenstein, M. Survey on Internet Use by Children in Brazil Eggerath, S.
Bartsch, M. In: Digital Journalism. Zurawski, N. In: kommunikation gesellschaft, special issue. In: Internet Policy Review, Vol. In: Message, 15 4 , pp. Zimmermann, T. Welker, M. Taddicken, J.
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Schmidt, N. Jackob eds. Sozialwissenschaftliche Datengewinnung und -auswertung in digitalen Netzen [Handbook Online Research. Data Collection Cologne: Halem. A Case S Kluth, W. Hurrelmann, E. Baumann eds. Bern: Verlag Hans Huber, pp. Monitoring aktueller Entwicklun Richter ed.
Munich: De Gruyter Oldenbourg, pp. Neue Formen und alte Muster [Digitalis Oermann, M; Lose, M. Hollmann, A. In: Recherches en Communication, No. In: Rundfunk und Geschicht Picturing Flight and Ex Mahrt, M. In: Journal of Science Communication, Vol. Jackob, O. Quiring, B. In: Journalism Studies, vol. Christiansen, P. An Academic Innovatio Stark; O. Quiring; N. Hohage, C. Players, Priorities, and Experienced Challenges]. Kammerl, R. Bjur, J. Carpentier; K. Hallett eds. Shifting Audience Positions in Late Moderni Media, Politics and the Privatisation of Publics].
Stuttgart: Fra Hamburg, 15 March Linking Socialisation and Repertory Perspectives]. In: MedienJournal. Tillmann, K. Hugger, S.
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Fleischer eds. Schulz; P. Valcke; K. Irion eds. Bristol: Intellect Ltd. An Integrative Appr Weller, A. Bruns, J. Burgess, M. Mahrt, C. Puschmann eds. Januar In: F. Almai, U. Kunst und Medien, Religion und Politik. Berlin: Mohr.
Schulze, A. Behmer, B. Bernard, B. Hasselbring eds. Friesike, S. Bartling eds. New York: Springer. Access Points, A On the Evaluation o In: Hamburger Flimmern, no. Reineck, D. Rossmann, M. Hastall eds. Unsere Herausforderung: Klimawandel und Web 2. Hasebrink, Uwe; Lobe, B. O'Neill, E. Staksrud, S. McLaughlin eds. Policy Pillars, Players and Paradoxes. Eine Rezeptionsanalyse [Internet Advertising and Children. A Reception Analysis]. Springer VS. Emmer, A. Filipovic, J. Schmidt, I. Emmer, M. Authenticity in the World of Online Communication].
Weinheim: Beltz Juventa. An Introductory Student Handbook 2nd edition ]. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. The Transformation of Mediatized Cultures and Societies. Communicative Figurations, Working Paper No. Lauffer, R. Karmasin, S. Diehl Eds. Berlin: Springer, pp. In: Denkwerk Demokratie ed. Information Behaviour in Germany. Levy, N. Newman eds. Oxford, pp. Helsper, E. Eumann, F. Gerlach, T. Stadelmaier eds. Stimuli for the Digital Society].