Wundervölker, Monstrosität und Hässlichkeit im Mittelalter (German Edition)

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Myles Munroe Dr. Located in the interior of South America, with much of its geography set at a forbidding altitude and its lower regions heavily populated by indigenous tribes resistant to outsiders, scientific exploration in Bolivia by Europeans began after independence from Spain, in It was also during the time of the Enlightenment, which encouraged educated young men from Europe — among them, Darwin, Bates, and Wallace — to follow in the footsteps of von Humboldt and others to seek out the answers to the mysteries of the natural world in the Americas Safier ; VonHagen As noted in previous works, this activity was very much one of extraction Latour ; Parry , However, alongside this more extractivist form of biological research as carried out by Europeans, new traditions of botanical and biological exploration were developing from within Bolivia, producing institutions and naturalists of national, if not international, renown.

However, foreigners continued to play an important role in the development of the biosciences within Bolivia, where most institutions supporting such studies were created in the second half of the 20th century. As recalled by one of the founders, Dr. Stefan Beck,. Back then there was no biology. For example, among the professors in the department, one was a dentist. There was nothing in the collections. That was how it was. For the first ten years of ecology in Bolivia, the work was primarily focused on discovery and the development of a national inventory of flora and fauna, which was still much driven by foreign researchers.

Tarifa writes that the first wave of Bolivian pioneers in mastozoology was in the s and 70s, but the focus was more on using biological research to better understand epidemiological problems, rather than an interest on flora and fauna for its own sake. This suggests that the interests that drove national biologists — such as human-wildlife conflicts and diseases in domesticated camelid species llamas and alpacas — were different than those of foreign researchers, who were more concerned with the conservation needs of charismatic species like primates and felines ibid.

Thus, from the beginning, there was a divide in priorities and concerns between those who came to Bolivia to do research, and those who did research on their own soil. Lozada , In , a new Political Constitution of the State was put into effect, giving more rights in theory to indigenous communities respecting their control over their land and natural resources, specifically through the development of laws that guarantee that these resources are controlled by Bolivians and not by foreigners.

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Science and technology were given their own section in the new constitution, and of note is the creation of a state system of science and technology. This explicit politicizing of science — especially in the biological sciences — has provided support and funding for certain types of research Bolivia, while at the same time it has made other types infeasible. This means that the creators of the project have been inspired by, and seek to inspire others, with the idea that through the mapping of all of the unique genetic codes of life on earth, humanity will learn to more greatly appreciate nature in all of its vast yet connected diversity.

With regards to the decision, one scientist involved in the process said:. The reality is that other countries are much more scientifically advanced as compared to Bolivia, but we Bolivians have our own rhythm, perhaps slower, but we will get there, making use of the tools that external research institutions and international collaborations can provide us with.

Sometimes there is a great deal of pressure from these external entities but in the end the decision is a local one. This points to the increasing determination of various public and private academic institutions in Bolivia to question the arguments of science for the global good, and to rewrite the mantra as science for the national good. As the quote above points out, as the project objective should be local, so should the decision. In short, on the relationship between academic and indigenous sciences, whether situated within an idealized imaginary of knowledge exchange, or juxtaposed — placed side by side — on the scene of the current Bolivian context, there is only one clear answer: the integration of knowledges is possible, but only within the context of specific proposals that address specific problems or challenges.

The idea is not to decolonize science by rejecting it outright, but rather by finding a multiplicity of forums through which to reimagine it through the very process of carrying it out. Across Bolivia such projects are increasingly common, and additional seemingly small gestures can point to other ways in which science in Bolivia is emerging.

For example, a report written in by botanists at the National Herbarium for its international partner, the Missouri Botanical Garden, starts out with a description of an indigenous ritual they carried out with their driver at the top of a mountain chain:.

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Our driver performed the ritual which offers candy, alcoholic beverages, coca leaves, and incense resin from a new species of Clusia , to the Andean deities like Pachamama Mother earth and Achachilas guardian and spirit of the mountains , and to the Virgin Maria. While the remainder of the report focuses on the species collected for the overall aim of the project — a taxonomic inventory of the floristic species in the Madidi region — what is interesting is the insistence that the international funders be made aware of the non-western types of knowledge and living involved in the process of carrying out the research.

The report discusses in detail not only the mountaintop ritual, but also lists the names of the local guides, porters and cooks who participated in the expedition, along with photographs in which these people appear, and additionally describes the process of obtaining permission and assistance from the communities located in close proximity to the research site.

Throughout the process of carrying out my fieldwork in Bolivia, I came across many instances of researchers who were actively seeking ways to learn from and engage with local institutions and communities during the research process, for example, through the practice of co-authorship with indigenous partners on academic papers see Toomey Conversations with scientists and policy makers in Bolivia point to a deep sense of living in a moment of apparent contradiction about the importance of science in society, which is demonstrated in the diverse positions described in this essay.

But they also reflect a growing perception of the importance of dialogue, negotiation, and above-all, rethinking in all of this. This dialogue is part of a continuing broader debate in the Global South on "internal colonialism" and the need for a "decolonization" of minds as a first step in the alternative path of modernity Gonzalez Casanovas ; Cusicanqui : "There can be no discourse of decolonization, no theory of decolonization, without a practice of decolonization" Rivera Cusicanqui , For myself, as a foreign researcher, this meant questioning and reflecting on the assumptions and priorities I had upon arrival to Bolivia, and rethinking the subjects of my inquiry.

It meant taking a hard look at the ways in which I had been trained and educated, and understanding that there was a clear difference between what was important to my British academic institution as compared to what mattered to the Bolivian institutions, organizations and communities with whom I carried out my research.

There are things that I have seen and heard that I will never write about, and things that I have written about that I will never publish, because I have learned that they are not my stories to tell. In I returned to Bolivia after defending my thesis in England to hand back some of the results of my work through written reports, oral presentations and a short documentary. Although I felt unsatisfied with the results of my dissemination process see a previous blog post on this , I learned a great deal about what reciprocity means in a research context and how I might do it better the next time.

Now as a young professor at a university in the United States, I hope to share what I have learned with my own students about what is acceptable and unacceptable scientific practice in different places around the world, such as Bolivia. At the beginning of this essay I made the somewhat grand claim of having an identity built out of the multiple places I have lived and worked — places that cross complicated cultural, social and political divides.

I made this claim not because I feel that by adopting such a hybrid identity I will somehow become exempt from holding a position of privilege, or because I will cease to hold responsibility for the implications of my North American-European heritage. Rather, it is because the alternative, to be a Latin Americanista, or a Bolivianista, is to imply that I simply stand outside and apart from my object of inquiry — that I am not impacted by it in turn.

It is also to give recognition and credit to the places, peoples and cultures that have shaped the development of my mind and mode of acting. I first came to Bolivia as a researcher seeking to be inspired by the indigenous movements for land and rights, and also with the aim of seeing how natural science methodologies and ideas could support such efforts.

I had ideas for what I thought could work, ideas that changed through an often uncomfortable process of learning to be wrong, a slow awakening into the arrogance of my own assumptions.

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Bolivian science changed not only the subject, methods and implications of the research I conducted there, but it ensured that the work I do in the future will be forever impacted by my encounters with it. En esta segunda parte, Toomey se concentra en la historia y desarrollo de la "ciencia boliviana" para ilustrar estas posibilidades. Como se recuerda uno de los fundadores, Dr. Stefan Beck:. Es el encuentro entre el imitador de Bhabha y un revolucionario aymara y toda la sociedad que se encuentra entre ambos. Todos participamos en esta ceremonia, primero recogimos t'ola para construir un fuego Baccharis spp.

Anderson, S.

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Anker, P. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Bhabha, H. Fawcett, P.