Wundervölker, Monstrosität und Hässlichkeit im Mittelalter (German Edition)

Sue Bohlin offers a quiz covering Bible basics rather than trivia. That's because we're not reading and studying the Bible. Who wrote the first five books of the Old Testament? .. Probe fulfills this mission through our Mind Games conferences for youth and adults, our 3-minute daily radio program, and.

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Aber zum Nachdenken bleibt keine Zeit mehr. Ne fu decisa subito la ricostruzione, conclusasi nel circa. Il Ridolfi narra come il Tintoretto propose con insistenza il proprio stile ricevendone il consenso solo garantendo di imitare il Veronese. Tintoretto poi, volendo completare il gruppo di persone di sinistra in primo piano volle ritrarre se stesso nel personaggio con barba bianca vestito di arancio, a cui viene mostrata la coppa vuota di vetro dalla modella centrale ed inserendo la firma accanto al proprio manto. In modo anonimo il dipinto fu completato ricoprendolo di vernice ossidatasi nel tempo.

Es wurde sofort mit dem Wiederaufbau des Klosters begonnen, der ca. Im neuen Kloster wurde besonderen Wert auf die auszustellenden Bilder gelegt und darauf Veronese mit einzubeziehen. Das Werk, das schon immer als Teil der Wirkungsperiode von Veronese betrachtet wurde, hatte einen beachtenswerten Erfolg, und zwar so sehr das man in mehreren Teilen des Landes Kopien anfertigte. Jahrhunderts entfernt wurden. Il sogno di valorizzare i suggestivi terreni collinari che ogni giorno attiravano la sua attenzione e stimolavano la sua immaginazione.

Terreni antichi, ricchi di storia e di tradizioni, ideali per la coltivazione della vite. Intenso e complesso, belle note di fiori gialli come camomilla, frutta matura, minerale, chiude con tocchi di speziatura bianca. Intenso, rivela profumi di miele e fiori gialli, complesso. Naso invitante, fiori e frutti rossi emergono, finale di resina dolce. Buona avvolgenza, caldo, morbido, tannino suadente e buona corrispondenza gusto-olfattiva. Ampio ventaglio di profumi mielosi, fiori bianchi appassiti, frutta secca. Al naso evoca profumi di frutta rossa fresca e fiori rosa.

Queste colline oggi ospitano tra i loro dolci pendii le nostre vigne. La zona, prevalentemente collinare, vanta una lunga tradizione di coltivazione della vite. An diesem besonderen Ort befindet sich unsere Kellerei. Hier verwirklichen wir unseren Traum und wollen ihn durch unsere Weine mit Ihnen teilen. Gut trinkbar und frisch, weiche und blumige Tannine. Voller und angenehmer Geschmack, cremig, weiches Finale. Come per la rete pubblica, anche le reti private possono avere delle perdite causate da usura da invecchiamento, movimenti del terreno, intrusioni di radici ecc.

Il sistema solare sarebbe stato il nostro parco giochi e il nostro impero. Quali idee, scoperte, mutamenti politici e istituzionali incideranno in maniera sostanziale sulla nostra vita? Le loro risposte spaziano dalle relazioni internazionali alla biologia, dall'energia all'organizzazione della chiesa, dal clima alle nano tecnologie, dall'architettura al dialogo tra le etnie. Es war nicht mehr der Mensch, der den Weltraum eroberte, sondern der Weltraum und seine Bewohner eroberten unseren Planeten. Welches sind die entscheidenden Schritte, die die Menschheit im Begriff ist zu vollziehen, oder welche sie zumindest versuchen sollte zu machen in den verschiedensten Bereichen, zwanzig Jahre nach dieser magischen Nacht des Ihre Antworten reichen von internationalen Beziehungen bis zur Biologie, vom Bereich der Energie bis zur Organisation der Kirche, vom Klima bis zur Nanotechnologie, von der Architektur bis zum Dialog zwischen den Ethnien.

Und aus diesem Grund sind die Freiheit der Forschung sowie der der Presse und der Information unverzichtbare Faktoren. Il nonno inoltre cerca di assicurare un avvenire alla nipote Mena combinando il matrimonio con Brasi Cipolla, figlio del ricco Fortunato. La famiglia Malavoglia, seppure provata dalle disgrazie, continua a lavorare per riscattare la casa e pagare i debiti. Viene arrestato e durante il processo il suo avvocato cerca di difenderlo sostenendo che ha agito per tutelare la reputazione di Lia, che si dice abbia una relazione col brigadiere.

Lia non tollera questa illazione infamante e abbandona il paese. Alessi riesce a riscattare la casa del nespolo ove si trasferisce con la moglie Nunziata e la sorella Mena, che ha rinunciato a sposare il carrettiere Alfio Mosca da sempre innamorato di lei. La famiglia Malavoglia, distrutta dagli eventi, rinasce da Alessi, Nunziata e Mena.

Inzwischen bricht eine Choleraepidemie aus, die zahlreiche Opfer fordert. Copre un periodo storico di 5. Ma non solo: la Met App disponibile per iPhone permette di approfondire la conoscenza delle opere e soprattutto di essere sempre aggiornati sulle esposizioni tempora- nee aperto dalle 10 alle Als kulturelle Hauptstadt auf internationalem Niveau beherbergt es in seinen Museen einige der wichtigsten Zeugnisse der Menschheitsgeschichte und der Kunst.

Jahrhundert stammende Ambiente des Palazzo Ducale di Gubbio. Preise und Terminplanung variabel, 11 W 53rd St. Brescia - Italien - Franciacorta. Es bedeutet gleichzeitig ein wichtiges Ziel erreicht zu haben und einen aufregenden Neuanfang zu wagen. Pastori erhalten. Sono questi i valori che da sempre decretano il successo del Made in Italy in tutti i campi, dal design all'alta moda. Un esempio? Ferrari: le quattro ruote con il cavallino rampante sono un simbolo della eccellenza italiana, e non solo nelle piste di Formula 1. E poi sempre in tema di motori, come dimenticare la mitica Fiat ?

E ancora la Vespa. Ein Beispiel? Seit kurzem ist der beliebte Kleinwagen der Nachkriegszeit dank eines rundum gelungenen Restylings wieder in Mode gekommen. Lungo la strada potrete vedere una sinagoga, una cattedrale copta e una moschea, ognuna legata a un differente periodo della storia di Alessandria. Un'occasione unica per conoscere le case contadine, borghesi, patrizie o nobiliari di tutti gli Stati dell'Europa, ancora oggi abitate dopo accurata ristrutturazione, e di conoscere i legami con la tradizione, le usanze legate agli oggetti e agli stili di vita, l'artigianato e l'utilizzo dei materiali da costruzione.

Tante ricette tutte a base di pasta per accontentare i gusti di tutti! In ogni giardino Carlo incontra il proprietario che, durante la passeggiata nella natura, ci confida la sua storia fatta di passione per il verde. In ogni episodio una casa e il racconto di chi ci vive, dal momento della decisione di cambiare residenza, all'acquisto, fino al racconto dettagliato delle soluzioni adottate durante il restauro o la costruzione della casa.

Con Savina Confaloni andiamo alla scoperta delle prelibatezze e dei prodotti enogastronomici nelle regioni d'Italia. Con uno sguardo particolare sul vino e sugli abbinamenti a tavola. Die Wohnkultur jeder Gesellschaftsschicht wird charakterisiert durch bestimmte Objekte und Lebensstile, durch das Handwerk und bestimmte Baumaterialien.

Ripartiamo coi Greci. Manda un drappello di giovani, fonda Paestum. Anzi, Poseidonia. Intavola rapporti con la riva destra del fiume Sele, gli etruschi. Su quella riva costruisce un santuario ricco di sculture. La storia avanza. La domina e l'ispira Parmenide. Romani, Bizantini, Longobardi, il Medioevo, i Saraceni. Che riescono a crearsi un riparo nientemeno che a Fuenti. Sulla costa amalfitana! Salerno capitale del ducato regge bene. I suoi monumenti crescono attorno al maestoso Duomo.

Ma alle leggende della costa cilentana si costituisce lo spirito pratico di nuovi marinari, gli amalfitani. Gli arsenali di Amalfi fabbricano scialuppe svelte e sicure. Gli uomini ai remi sono figli dei Nocerini spinti sulla costa dai barbari di Tolina. Quello di Lattachia Laodicea in Siria lo hanno abbattuto da poco. Monete arabe. Gli arabi ispirano monasteri e casette col tetto a cupola sulle falesie a strapiombo sul mare.

Nasce la Repubblica. Oder vielmehr Poseidonia. Sie nimmt Handelsbeziehungen mit den Etruskern auf dem rechten Flussufer des Sele auf. Die Geschichte folgt ihrem Lauf. Dominiert und inspiriert von Parmenides. Denen es gelingt sich einen Unterschlupf in Furenti zu schaffen. Sizilien ist arabisch. Die Werften von Amalfi bauen schnelle und sichere Boote. Die Dogen sind praktische Leute. Arabisches Geld. Es entsteht die Republik. Wie von vielen Seiten anerkannt, entstehen die Probleme des Euro auch aus der Exportwut eines "made in Germany".

Eine einzigartige Stadt, in der es viel zu entdecken gibt und die nur langsam die Geheimnisse ihrer Kultur und ihrer Zivilisation preisgibt. Volterra , gioiello d'arte etrusca, romana medievale e rinascimentale, domina da un colle di metri tutta la valle del Cecina, fino al mare. In grassetto gli ingredienti che potrebbero provocare reazioni allergiche ed intolleranze. Ischia sembra proprio essere la meta perfetta per chi desidera una vacanza a gradi. Fu qui che gli antichi greci fondarono la colonia di Pythecusae, i cui resti sono conservati nel Museo Archeologico.

Anche la cancelliera Merkel ha per Ischia un amore profondo e diverse volte ha passato qui le sue vacanze. Die Insel ist in sechs Gemeinden aufgeteilt. Inzwischen befindet sich ein Kloster hinter seinen Mauern, indem das Hotel Il Monastero beherbergt ist. E ancora: letterario, evergreen, pano- ramico. Comunque irrinunciabile. Da bere? Di certo non il solito spritz, ma grandi vini e fantasiosi cocktail molecolari shakerati da abili barman e bartender, autentici alchimisti e interpreti delle tecniche della molecular mixology.

In accompagnamento? Una raffinata selezione di finger food, cibi prelibati e sushi. Ci si rilassa ascol- tando ambient e chill out, degustando finger food e sorseggiando i cocktail che interpretano Milano.

Table of contents

Sfilano tartare di manzo al tartufo nero; spiedini di gamberi e melanzane in tempura; trofie con zucca, noci e gorgonzola dolce. In abbinamento, la Coppa Meneghina a base di Cedrata Tassoni, mela, cetriolo e liquore alla vaniglia e il Tokyo Spritz, che mixa Aperol bitter, spumante Foss Marai, zenzero fresco, wasabi e ginger ale. E ancora, il French Diana Martini, a base di lamponi shakerati con vodka ai lamponi e succo di ananas. Da Dry si ordinano le creazioni di Guglielmo Miriello, con le piccole pizze da forno. E ancora, Turbigo, poliedrico e delegante, e il nuovo gin bar dell'Officina Poco lontano, si scrive aperitivo, ma si legge degustazione di pesce al banco della pescheria da Pesciolini.

Il tutto con un buon calice di Champagne, o una birra artigianale. Translation - German Cool, begehrt, teuer. Und noch mehr: literarisch, immer aktuell, umfassend. Jedenfalls unverzichtbar. Das ist der Ritus des Aperitifs. Zu trinken? Eine besondere Auswahl an Fingerfood, Gaumenkitzel und Sushi. Wenige Meter von hier entfernt kann man im Baladin in einem Retrovintage - Ambiente vor dem Kamin das beste hausgemachte Bier kosten. Angesagt sind auch das vielseitige und elegante Turbigo und die neue Gin Bar des Officina12, und nicht zu vergessen das Spazio Movida, mit seinen kleinen Sofas, den Sitzkissen aus schwarzem Leder und den kleinen Tischen aus Wengeholz.

Das Ganze mit einem Glas Champagner oder einem hausgemachten Bier. Da noi nel bellissimo Albergo Aktiv e Wellness Petrus a 4 stelle a Brunico in Plan De Corones possono soddisfare le proprie esigenze sia dei singles che degli innamorati. Trascorrete con il vostro partner un paio di giorni rilassanti in un paesaggio bellissimo con vista panoramica da mozzafiato sul ghiacciaio di Hintertux. E' anche possibile fare una lunga passeggiata nei Dolomiti. Da noi siete al posto giusto se vi piace andare in mountain bike o trovare un rifugio dallo stress quotidiano.

Noi ci adattiamo alle vostre esigenze, indipendentemente se progettate una vacanza invernale od estiva. Rilassatevi durante massaggi, bagni o speciali trattamenti al viso e dimenticate la vita frenetica di tutti i giorni. Naturalmente sono a vostra disposizione anche i nostri bagni, fonti di acqua montana e zone fitness come pure la nostra sauna ed il solarium.

In seguito potete assaporare nel nostro ristorante un menu da gourmet e coccolarvi culinariamente. Translation - German 1. I businessmen in pausa preferiscono il tavolo davanti al camino: prenotando per tempo forse riuscite ad aggiudicarvelo! Im Innern des St. Hier trafen sich die Einwohner zum heimischen Bier um sich auszutauschen, vielleicht sich erfreuend an ein bisschen Musik. Vielleicht schafft ihr es ihn euch zu ergattern! Das Personal wird euch dabei helfen das zahllose Angebot von Bieren vom Fass zu entwirren.

Keywords: italian - german, german - italian, business, finance, annual reports, annual financial statements, general terms and conditions, balance sheets, press releases, cost estimates, business corrispondence, specialized articles, excerpts from the commercial register, advertising, marketing, press announcements, leaflets, advertising and PR texts, sales catalogues, newsletters, newspaper articles, flyers, image brochures, customer magazines, internet, e-commerce, art, culture, short stories, cultural programmes, newspaper articles, reports, academically-based essays, web pages, television, film, tourism, guidebooks, brochures, leaflets, catalogues, travel documents, offers, customer communication, tourist information.

Profile last updated Jun Or create a new account. View Ideas submitted by the community. Post Your ideas for ProZ. Vote Promote or demote ideas. View forum View forum without registering on UserVoice. You have native languages that can be verified You can request verification for native languages by completing a simple application that takes only a couple of minutes. View applications. Close and don't show again Close. Frequently, however, when we are speaking to a dictator or some other violent individual and we want to censure him, we are of necessity driven to do so by innuendo Men often speak equivocally.

Almost his whole account of the man leaves one puzzled as to whether he is expressing admiration for him or satirizing him I mention these things to draw attention to the proper way to speak to princes, and that it very! Flattery is ugly, but censure is dangerous; that manner is best which lies between the two, namely innuendo , , par. There were many names for this type of discourse in classical rhetorical theory— irony and innuendo being the most familiar to modern readers. The device may be used throughout a speech or only in certain pas- sages: for safety, when one aims at tyrants; for piquancy, or as a test, e.

It is skating on thin ice For a listing of these and other rhetorical devices, with examples, see Burton n. He then makes the rather surprising statement that to achieve this difficult effect "the facts themselves must be allowed to excite the suspicions of the judge, and we must clear away all other points, leaving nothing save what will suggest the truth" so that "the judge will be led to seek out the secret which he would not perhaps believe if he heard it openly stated, and to believe in that which he thinks he has found out for him- self" , 9.

This is actually quite a surprising statement, since it asserts unequivocally that it is indeed possible to criticize tyrants in public, provided one is careful about how one goes about this. Offense may be given, but this is not necessarily the same as incurring the danger of the tyrant's personal retaliation. And once again, in the passage just cited, we see the pleasure of the audience as well as the safety of the speaker as one of the primary motivations for the use of this type of discourse.

As Ahl points out, the practitioners of covert criticism found an especially appreciative audience in imperial Rome, where there were constraints on free speaking. When extended to the discourse as a whole, the classical rhetoricians had a very elaborate and well-detailed theory of covert argument, in which the apparent surface meaning of the speech conceals a hidden meaning running counter to what the orator ap- pears to be advocating.

They called this form of argumentation—which, because of the 49! It has all the advantages of public communication without having its greatest disadvantage: capital punishment for the author This was a game worthy of the creator of the most clever and malicious beffe in his comic master- piece, La Mandragola, and whose letters to his friends after reveal that for him, a kind of bitter and self-deprecating humor was a way to blunt the humiliations and forced inactivity of his own exile at the hands of the Medici princes.

For Machiavelli, as for his classical predecessors, we see that an indirect manner of speech is called for when criticizing princes, and—this is significant for our interpreta- tion of the Prince as a form of covert critique—that this type of argument may be very difficult to detect. Referring specifically to speech critical of tyrants, Quintilian writes:! For we may speak against the tyrants in question as openly as we please without loss of effect, provided always that what we say is susceptible of a different interpretation, since it is only danger to ourselves, and not offence to them, that we!

If one compares the instances where Machiavelli or his friends discuss the use of literary technique in his political writings with the passages in the classical rhetorical texts quoted above, it seems clear that Machiavelli had explicit knowledge of the classical rhetorical techniques of textual obfuscation.

I cannot write this history from the time when Cosimo took over the government up to the death of Lorenzo just as I would write it if I were free from all reasons for caution. The actions will be true, and I shall not omit anything; merely I shall l leave out discussing the universal causes of the events. For instance, I shall relate the events and the circumstances that came about when Cosimo took over the government; I shall leave untouched any discussion of the way and of the means and tricks with which one attains such power; and if anyone nevertheless wants to understand Cosimo, let him observe well what I shall have his opponents say, because what I am not willing to say as coming from myself, I shall have his opponents say Machiavelli , III, Demetrius writes:!

We should either blame others who have acted in a similar way, we may, for example, condemn the despotic severity of Phalaris when talking to Dionysius; or again we shall praise others, be it Gelon or Hiero, who have acted in the opposite way and say they were like fathers or teachers to their Sicilian subjects.

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As he hears these things, Dionysius is being admonished, but he is not being censured; moreover he will envy the praise bestowed on Gelon, and he will want to deserve such praise himself , , par. In a similar way Machiavelli pointedly observes of writers who praise Caesar:! Cicero's treatise was politically controversial: by choosing the for- mat of a philosophical dialogue he avoided naming his political adversaries directly. By employing various speakers to raise differing opinions, Cicero not only remained true to his favored skeptical method of setting opposing arguments against one another see, e.

In many cases, the format of the Renaissance dialogue served, by its apparently neutral inclusion of argu- ments from several points of view, the same purpose of concealing potentially controver- sial ideas under an apparently benign surface. Ma chi vuole conoscere quello che gli scrittori liberi ne direbbono, vegga quello che dicono di Catilina.

Let no one be fooled by the glory of Caesar, hearing him highly praised by the writers; because those who praise him were corrupted by his success and intimidated by the duration of the empire, which, legitimizing itself under his name, did not allow writers to speak freely of him. But whoever wants to know what those writers would have said about him, observe what they say about Catiline. And Caesar is just as more to be blamed as he is blameworthy who actually does, rather than wants to do, evil.

And again, observe with how much praise they celebrate Brutus, seeing that, not being able to blame him because of his power, they celebrate his enemy. We shall see that Machiavelli uses precisely this technique in Chapter VI of the Prince to blacken by implication the character of Cesare Borgia by bestowing lavish praise on those state founder heroes Theseus, Moses, and Romulus, who differ from him in every respect. This information is from Mouren, When speaking to princes, some things are better left unsaid, or, if they are to be expressed, then they should be expressed through that indirect mode of discourse called innuendo.

The latter discusses many of these recent rhetorical interpretations of the Prince. Here we may recall several points which are relevant to this interpretation of the Prince as covert critique of Medici rule. First, covert critique is used when addressing a tyrant, who may, because of his inherently violent nature, react negatively to any form of criticism. As we shall see, Machiavelli censures Cesare Borgia by describing the crimes of individuals similar to him, and by praising individuals unlike him, and thus uses the first two techniques de- scribed by Demetrius.

Machiavelli, in his discussion of religious states, also uses the third of these devices, covert censure of a powerful individual by means of bestowing praise on that individual for precisely the virtues they lack. Important to note here is the Renaissance assumption that panegyric could easily imply its opposite. Although, as inevitably with Machiavelli, this work has been interpreted in an entirely opposite manner, that is, as flat- tery of Lorenzo di Piero not il Magnifico , in an attempt on the part of Machiavelli to ingratiate himself with the newly-restored Medici regime following the restoration of Bausi First, the heroes of Chapter VI, who include Moses, Cyrus, Romulus, and Theseus are provided with opportunities by fortune, but it is their own abilities that allow them to achieve great things; fortune as a force in human affairs clearly takes second place.

Second, these men belong to a very select group of founders of new kingdoms; in the rhetorical tradition such men were second only to men of God as worthy subjects of praise. They have seized the opportunity occasione that fortune provides to men of abili- ty. Clearly for Machiavelli only states founded by great men, who derive their power either from God or the desire for!

The classic expression of this distinc- tion can be found in Aristotle:! The best of these [forms of government] is monarchy, the worst timocracy. The deviation from monarchy is tyranny; for both are forms of one-man rule, but there is the greatest difference between them; the tyrant looks to his own advantage, the king to that of his subjects Now tyranny is the very contrary of this; the tyrant pursues his own good Nicomachean Ethics, bk.

For kings rule according to law over voluntary subjects, but tyrants over involuntary; and the one are guarded by their fellow- citizens, the others are guarded against them Politics, bk.


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Ludovico Alamanni, in his Discorso For example, Donato Giannotti ; cited in text above ; Alamanno Rinuccini, De libertate; and Girolamo Savonarola, Trattato sul governo di Firenze the former translat- ed in its entirety in Watkins , the latter in part. The reference to the two routes of ascent, one easy and one diffi- cult, recalls classical and Christian conventions regarding the easy road to vice, from which one is eventually cast down, and the hard road to virtue, which leads to lasting happiness.

Here, it Machiavelli may be alluding to the warring princes of 16th century Italy, whose narrow focus on their own prestige and power aided and abetted by the involvement of foreign powers in the regional conflicts within Italy , at the expense of any concern for the good of their states as a whole, had profoundly negative consequences for the quality of civic life in Italy during the first decades of the 16th century. All this would seem perfectly appropriate if Machiavelli were making the ar- gument that those who gain their kingdoms through fortune or the arms of others are infe- rior to those who win power through merit and divine favor, but this is the chapter that introduces Cesare Borgia as the supposed paragon of the new prince.

It is hard to escape! Moving on to his discussion of Cesare Borgia, Machiavelli makes it clear that of the two ways of becoming a prince, through ability or fortune, Francesco Sforza repre- sents the former and Cesare Borgia the latter:! Francesco, by the appropriate means and with great ability, from private station became Duke of Milan On the other hand, Cesare Borgia, called by the common people Valentino, acquired the state through the fortune of his father, and through that he lost it.

Borgia ac- quires his state by fortune, not ability, and it is not even his own fortune, but that of his father, and then he loses it. That the common people refer to him without a title seems a subtly diminishing touch. Having thus begun this chapter with an accumulation of small but significantly negative details concerning new princes who acquire their states through the arms of oth- ers, Machiavelli expands on this depreciating opening.

The following paragraphs make clear that! Instead Machiavelli relies on a gradual accumulation of words whose tone or coloring begins to seem strangely at odds with the surface meaning of the text. It is in this way that Valentino acquires the Romagna: not only with the arms of another, but with an occupying army of foreign- ers.

The matter-of-factness of this phrase recalls similar passages in Tac-! Readers familiar with Tacitus would have anticipated, with a mixture of dread and anticipation, the conclusion of this passage with the graphic description of some horrible deed. And indeed, after continuing with the same tone of ironic under- statement and bland objectivity:!

Petruccio Ubaldini s Accounts of England

Costui [de Lorqua] in poco tempo la ridusse pacifica et unita, con grandissima reputazione. And then the duke judged such excessive authority not to be necessary, because he feared it might become hateful Or is the very brutality of Bor-! But Alexander died five years after he had begun to draw the sword Not only are the means by which Cesare Borgia achieves power morally repug- nant, but for all his efforts, he still fails in the end. In a kind of negative symmetry with the preceding chapter, Borgia receives power from a mortal man, instead of benign for- tune, and must worry about it being taken from him, rather than trusting in the favor of his people.

But the fact that tyrannies, in contrast to states founded upon just principles, ultimately perish is simply a corollary of the old classical idea that the best defense of a ruler is the love of his subjects, iustitia fundamentum regni. On the last leaf it is ordered that this bull be posted on the doors of Old St. Peter's Basilica, the Vatican chancery, and Campo de Fiori.

An important and often-overlooked source for contemporary accounts of the reactions of contemporaries to the deeds of Borgia and his father are the so-called fogli volanti or chapbooks, sold by traveling vendors, who often doubled as entertainers, in the cities and small towns of Italy. Clough was perhaps the first to draw attention to these effemeral productions as an important source to a fuller understanding of the history of the period, across all so- cial classes.

Niemeyer, Here Machi- avelli further darkens his portrait of Cesare Borgia through an implied comparison of his behavior with the unequivocally evil actions of not one, but two tyrants, one ancient and one contemporary: Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse and Oliverotto da Fermo, tyrant of Fermo. In addition, the description of a powerful pope promoting the territorial ambitions of a relative with the assistance of foreign troops would be an appropriate analogue to the similar behaviour of the Medici in their strategy of a gradual acquisition of a territorial state in central Italy, with Florence as its base.

VII] , a very short period of time, especially considering the tremendous effort which went into constructing his state. The expulsion of the Duke from Urbino cost the Florentines a great deal of money, aroused lasting resentment, and may have even contributed to the death of Lorenzo himself, who had been wounded in! Less than a year later, the city was recovered by della Rovere with the assistance of Spanish troops. As Najemy, cited above, has pointed out, at precisely this time, it was widely rumored that Leo was contemplating installing Giuliano on the Neapolitan throne and Lorenzo as Governor of the Romagna.

In the assault, which occurred after the residents of the city had agreed to terms of surrender, dozens of unarmed citizens were killed. For contemporary reactions to the sack, expressed in po- ems, letters, elegies and laments by supporters of the Medici and their opponents, see the study, with original documents, of Lodovico Frati, Il sacco di Volterra nel Poesie storiche contemporanee e commento inedito di Biagio Lisci volterrano tratto dal codice vaticano-urbinate Bologna: Frati, Those opposed to the sack Lorenzo ig- nored the advice of Soderini that he exercise restraint in dealing with the situation con- sidered it an egregious example of the violent intrusion of the Medici into the internal af- fairs of the city, motivated solely by the desire for personal gain.

If one accepts that Machi- avelli intended the reader to draw these parallels, then much of what he says about Borgia may be applied as well to Lorenzo. Riario had been one of the instigators of the Pazzi Conspiracy. The cold-blooded and treacherous murder of Manfredi occurred in the private space of his bedroom, and was instigated and carried out by one close to him his wife. The description of the murders of the republican leaders of Fermo is perhaps, in its vividness and brevity, the single most memorable passage in the entire Prince, and, in its unforgettable evocation of a truly appalling treacherousness and cold-bloodedness in very few words, is worthy of any such passage in the works of Tacitus.

As a final touch, Machiavelli has Oliverotto, as he is preparing to murder his uncle and the citizens of Fermo, lull them into a false sense of security by discoursing on the "greatness" of Pope Alexander and his son, Cesare Borgia, and their marvelous deeds "parlando della! This last phrase is clearly one of those subtle hints to the reader, discussed above, which imply that once again, in case the reader has missed it up to this point, the real understood object of the critique of Oliverotto is actually Cesare Borgia and his father; the treacherousness and murderous cunning of Oliverotto is thus also that of Cesare, that supposed "paragon" of the princely leader, worthy of imitation by the Renaissance prince.

And indeed, in perhaps an even greater stroke of genius, Machiavelli makes this implied comparison between Oliverotto and Borgia even more apparent by noting dryly: "And his elimination would have been as difficult as that of Agathocles, had he not let himself be fooled by Cesare Borgia, when at Sinigallia, as remarked above, he took the Orsini and the Vitelli; where, captured himself, one year after the parricide, he was to- gether with Vitellozzo, his master in ability and evil deeds, strangled.

Machiavelli, who was at Sinigallia at the time of the murders as Florentine legate, described the event in his Il modo che tenne il duca Valentino per am-! Signore Paolo, e il duca di Gravina as "in tutto rara e memorabile. These wonderfully ironic touches are the exact equivalent of the manipulation of tone of voice! To be sure, there remain the corpses, the murdered and mutilated and self-destroyed. These the scholar may dispose of, first, by counting them to demonstrate that their sum was less than astronomical, then by allowing for exaggeration, and finally by turning his attention to the Pax Romana, the efficient imperial administration, and all those other glorious things that make up History.

This decon- textualization has led in turn to various preconceptions about the nature of the work, e. As we note below, this is perhaps the most damaging misconception of the text, and one to which Mattingly, cited above, strenuously objected. Such overweening familial ambitions, described above in reference to Leo's plans for Lorenzo, put a severe strain on the city's treasury as did the equally unpopular poli- cies of Clement in the s and were widely unpopular in contemporary Florence, since they placed the city's finances at the service of one individual's personal ambitions.

Nothing could have made Medici rule in the city more odious to the Florentine popolo minuto and popolo grasso, for whom the mercantile traditions of thrift, individual initia- tive taken for the good of the city as a whole, and respect for the laws and institutions of civil government, were still very much a part of their recent historical memory. This plundering of the city's treasury for the ruler's personal use is exactly the kind of behavior Machiavelli advised the new prince to avoid when he counseled him, in his famous lines, not to touch his subjects' property: "The prince ought nevertheless make himself feared in such a way that, if he doesn't obtain love, he avoids hatred.

It is worth noting here that the mention of "taking the goods and women of one's subjects" is, in the classical tradition, the locus classicus of the behavior of a tyrant, and that the word "pat- rimony" may be a deliberate echo of the word "patria," with all its republican associa- tions.

This is the historical background, we suggest, against which Machiavelli's portrait of Cesare Borgia was intended to be read. The period of the writing of the Prince—from to perhaps as late as —corresponds exactly with the actions of Pope Leo and Lorenzo di Piero discussed above. Hence, in our view, not only is Cesare Borgia covertly censured in Machiavelli's work, but the Medici as well, since their continuation of a poli- cy of personal ambition, abetted by the use of bribery and, when necessary, violence, in the service of familial aggrandizement for which the Borgia had been notorious , had!

It is also one of the classical techniques, used by both ancient and Renais- sance historians, by which authors could achieve criticism of current events by describing similar, but safely distant, historical circumstances, a technique employed by Machiavelli himself in his Florentine Histories, as noted above. If a similar rhetorical figure is present here, all the deeds attributed to Alexander and Cesare Borgia—personal self-aggrandize- ment achieved by means of horrific violence, cunning and bribery—may be taken as im- plied criticism of the Medici princes.

The Prince is, then, doubly allusive, since Machiavelli's description of Cesare Borgia is intended to refer not just to those classical tyrants depicted by the author, but also, by extension, to the Medici family itself, the Medici Pope, and their Spanish sup- porters. From the foregoing analysis, the inescapable conclusion is that Machiavelli cannot have intended Cesare Borgia to illustrate the viability of princely rule, but rather exactly the opposite; by making his "exhibit A" not only morally bankrupt but also, by the terms of the Prince itself, weak and defenseless against fortune being dependent upon others and not having the love of the citizens , he seems to be inviting the reader to question the viability of princely rule itself at least as practiced in Italy in the first decades of the six- teenth century.

Even if one does not accept our thesis that Machiavelli intended to raise! Many of the rhetorical techniques Benner claims Machiavelli used to create a covert, ironic message in his treatise are ones which we have noted in the course of this essay.


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If one grants that in the subtle ways described above Machiavelli intends to cast doubt on the character of Cesare Borgia, and the validity of his conduct as a model of ideal princely behavior, to be imitated by the Renaissance prince, then one must ask to what end he does this. Unlike the laudable actions of the state founder heroes of chapter VI, the use of vio- lent and deceptive means for personal self-aggrandizement in the end accomplishes noth- ing, except perhaps a legacy of suffering for those subjected to these actions.

Among all the men who are praised, the most highly praised are those who have been heads and founders of religions. Then next, those who founded either republics or kingdoms. After these, those are famous who, placed at the head of armies, have enlarged either their kingdom or that of their fatherland. On the other hand, infamous and detestable are the destroyers of religions, wasters of kingdoms and republics, enemies of virtue, letters and every other art which brings utility and honor to the human race, such as are the impious, the violent, the ignorant, the unambitious, the idle, those of no account.

And yet almost all men, deluded by a false good and false glory, let themselves fall into the ranks of those who merit more blame than praise; and, able to their everlasting honor to create a republic or a kingdom, turn themselves to tyranny, nor do they realize, by so doing, how much fame, how much glory, how much honor, security and quiet! Here we might remark that the phrase "infamous and detestable are the destroyers of religions, wasters of kingdoms and republics, enemies of virtue, letters and every other art which brings utility and honor to the human race, such as are the impious, the violent" is an exact description of the deeds of Cesare Borgia and Pope Alexander as portrayed by Machiavelli in Chapter VII of the Prince, in which violence is used against the states of Italy to assure the tyrannical Borgia in their power.

The phrase "wasters of kingdoms and republics" "dissipatori de' regni e delle republiche" even echoes the phrase "it was nec- essary to throw into disorder those forms of rule, and create chaos in their states" "era necessario si turbassino quelli ordini, e disordinare li stati di coloro" with which Machi- avelli summed up the actions of Alexander in establishing Cesare Borgia in his rule over the Romagna. This leads us back to Nifo's rewriting of the Prince cited at the be- ginning of this chapter, since, for Nifo, the word "prince" in a Renaissance context is real- ly a code word for "tyrant," since those princes he cites avail themselves of methods and have ends which form a clear contrast to the legitimate rule of hereditary or elected kings, or of popular republics.

The acquisition of his state is extremely difficult, but, once acquired, it is easy to maintain. While Hiero receives his opportunity from Fortune, it is his own ability to make use of it that distinguishes him as a just and capable ruler. In this respect, he resembles the state-founder heroes described at the beginning of the chapter Moses, Theseus, Cyrus and Romulus , all liberators of their peoples who took all appro- priate measures to maintain the forms of government they had introduced.

Hiero also finds his people oppressed, which justifies any strong measures he may take. His rule,! This gives it durable authority, since, in Renaissance political thought, the only justification for absolute rule is that it come about either through inheritance, or through the free election of the people. Any other form of absolute rule is tyrannical or borders on tyranny. Era Antonio Antonio was Not even when he was in control of an army or a province did he ask his subjects other than obedience, yet on the!

Curriculum di Valentina Giuffra

I thank Professor Albert Ascoli for this reference. He was, in private life, without partisan feeling and without any ambition; when in public life, he was eager only for the glory of the city and for his own reputation trans. Here again, as in his description of the character and deeds of Cesare Borgia, the Medici, like the Borgia before them, are covertly censured for their continuation of a pol- icy of personal ambition, abetted by the use of bribery, and, when necessary, violence in!

In view of the extremely subtle manipulations of irony on the part of Machiavelli we have been discussing, it seems possible that his choice of Hiero as exem- plum might represent yet another example of his use of an historical referent external to the text against which the full meaning of this particular passage is created, in a way sim- ilar to his allusive use of Agathocles, Cesare Borgia, and Oliverotto da Fermo as histori- cal referents which allude to the character and actions of their Florentine equivalents.

In closing, we will briefly consider two examples: one intertextual and one the famously controver- sial closing chapter of the treatise. The principal dimension that is present in the De Officiis and which Machiavelli deliberately omits from the Prince is the dimension of civic virtue His omission of the topos of civic virtue from the Prince therefore can be seen as an ironic comment on princes in general and the Medici in particular.

A comparison of parallel passages from the two works makes this abundantly clear. The classical sources make a clear distinction be- tween violence rightly used in the defense of a free state, and the inappropriate use of vi- olence on the part of the tyrant. He was the son of Mars,. There he was suckled by a wild beast from the forest, and was rescued by shepherds, who brought him up to the life and labours of the countryside.

And when he grew up, we are told, he was so far superior to his companions in bodily strength and boldness of spirit that all who then lived in the rural district where our city now stands were willing and glad to be ruled by him II. For an English translation of a selection from the treatise, see Watkins , And since Numa Pompilius had the reputation of being pre-eminent in these qualities, the people themselves, by the advice of the Fathers, passed over their own citizens and chose a foreigner as their king, inviting this man a Sabine of Cures, to come to Rome and rule over them.

Thus [by his encouragement of the productive use of the land] he implanted in them a love for peace and tranquillity, which enable justice and good faith to flourish most easily, and under whose protection the cultivation of the land and the enjoyment of its products are most secure. In the hands of a founder or a defend- er of a free state they are legitimate; in the hands of a tyrant, such as Borgia or his Medici analogs, illegitimate.

The great irony of the Dispatches is that it is Valentino, renowned for his duplicity and cunning, who is deceived by the false promises of both Pope Julius and the Florentine Signoria it- self, making him, just as in the Prince, doubly dependent on the good will and dispensa- tions of another, and thus extremely vulnerable to the vagaries of Fortune. He fails to ap- preciate the one essential fact which might have led him to be wary of the false promises of his enemies: they both hate him, and thus cannot be trusted to deal with him in good faith.

This lack of an ability to take full account of the lengths to which others were will- ing to go in using force and fraud to secure their designs led to the tragic restoration of the Medici to power in following the brutal sack of Prato. In a world beset by tyrants, it is sometimes, regret- tably, necessary to play by their rules, if one is to defend the civic freedoms one holds dear. This adventurer was, just as Borgia, thwarted in his territorial am- bitions by sudden death in the case, his own, and not that of his father , and, just as Ce- sare Borgia, for all the effort invested in constructing a personal fiefdom in central Italy, his state collapsed immediately upon his death.

See a Problem?

Also important to note is that one of the territories conquered by Castracani was the ancestral seat of the Machiavelli family. In this regard, we have always felt that the publication of the first edition of the Prince to- gether with the Vita di Castruccio Castracani and the Modo che tenne was no arbitrary editorial decision, dictated by the comparable brevity of the three works, by was instead governed primarily by a recognition of the thematic kinship of the three works, each of which, in its own way, gives a vivid demonstration of the vulnerability of tyrannical forms of one-man rule before the inexorable blows of Fortune.

This was also the purpose of the text according to its first Florentine editor, as we have noted. Those who are forced to resort to such means to defend their freedom are not to be censured, nor are they immoral; it is the tyrant, who uses such means for his own personal aggrandizement at the expense of the governed, who deserves censure. We would also suggest that the final chapter of the treatise is also meant to be tak- en ironically.

Machiavelli hints at this by reintroducing at the beginning of the chapter the examples of truly just leaders from Chapter VI, whose behavior was described there in order to form a contrast with the behaviour of the classical and Renaissance tyrants in the following chapters. The very means which Machiavelli goes on to recommend that Leo adopt—nuovi ordini and arme proprie—are those that appear in his other writings as essential to the maintenance of a free republican Florence.

While in the chapters on the ethics of the new prince, then, Machiavelli is discreetly urging the Medici to behave as tyrants, here, in a delicious twist, he is urging! The tone of the final exhortation to Leo is also a signal to the reader not to take its meaning at face value. In its exaggeratedly elevated tone standing in pointed contrast to the rapid and concise expository tone of the passage on the Italian army , it is an excel- lent example of the familiar Renaissance technique of ironic hyperbole.

From this study it has hopefully become apparent that the art of equivocation was a highly developed skill in Renaissance Europe, useful to writers critical of those in pow- er, yet mindful of the consequences of too-free speech, and that it was especially impor- tant at a time in European history when those in power were seeking to control the means of expression as a way of stifling dissent and consolidating their power. The Index of the Counter-Reformation is only the most notorious of these examples. Writers imbued with the traditions of republicanism, or by nature of independent mind and spirit, would not be silenced, yet they were also well-aware of the consequences of a too-frank expression of their beliefs.

Outspokenness could, and often did, mean exile or death. For these individ- uals, a mode of discourse, sanctioned by classical rhetorical theory and practice, and dis- cussed in contemporary manuals of rhetoric, which allowed a writer to communicate crit- ical sentiments without speaking directly, provided a natural solution to the problem of self-expression in an age of absolutism. In his discussion of the position in which Donato Giannotti, the former secretary of the Ten, whose career—as gifted political theorist, man of letters, and exile--closely parallels that of Machiavelli--found himself, constrained to curry favor with powerful prelates and patrons after his exile from Florence following the second Medici restoration of , Randolph Starn has given us an eloquent account of the situation in which many Renaissance intellectuals of independent mind and spirit found themselves in an increas- ingly absolutist political culture, intolerant of dissent, as the 16th century in Italy pro- gressed.

Starn cites a letter of of Giannotti to Piero Vettori, in which the former Sec- retary writes:! Yet what choice, Starn asks, did Giannotti and his other fellow republicans have? Wanting nothing more than to return to a republican Florence, the fuorusciti were cast instead into the courts of Italy and beyond the Alps. A few were fortunate to find refuge in Venice, but for the exile whose chief resource was the pen, the only real alternative was whether his patron would be a prince or a prelate. He might hold out for a time; he could dream of Florence, scheme, and lament his lost liberty.

But personal necessity and the drift of Italian culture, ever more courtly and clerical, combined to render the acceptance of a patron inescapable. But when the Florentine citizen and former secretary of the Florentine republic was reduced to living off the liberality of his cardinal, it marked the passing of an age. Just as Giannotti, Machiavelli, found himself constrained to curry favor with the Medici rulers of Florence soon after their restoration to power in But the fact that many readers over the ages have missed this message is perhaps testimony to his skill in practicing this difficult art.

Catharine Atkinson, in her study of the diary of Machiavelli's father Bernardo, notes that Machiavelli's family Guelphs descended from the popolani grassi, as opposed to the noble magnati , had a long history of opposition to the Medici, includ- ing a certain Girolamo d'Angelo Machiavelli , a second cousin of Bernardo, Machiavelli's father, and a teacher of law at the University of Florence. Girolamo, a prominent political figure in the 's, and an outspoken critic of Cosimo de' Medici's politics, was arrested in , tortured and exiled to Avignon, arrested again in , tak- en prisoner and thrown into prison in Florence, after plans for a conspiracy initiated by!

Randolph Starn Geneva: Droz, He died in prison shortly thereafter. Other members of the family had already been exiled in , with the return of the Medici to Florence. Seen in this light, Machiavelli's encoding a message critical of princes in a work dedicated to princes may have been a way to salvage in some measure his family honor, to not leave entirely unsaid what his father had been unable, or unwilling, to say. If this letter does contain a hidden message it is brilliant, since this is exactly the kind of request a farmer absent from the city might make to an agent in the city.

In the frontispiece just mentioned, the figure of Brutus looks off to the right, perhaps a reference to the impending location of the conflict between France and the Empire, west of Venice. And finally, the classical rhetorical theorists emphasize that, in addition to provid- ing for the speaker's safety and for reasons of decorum, there is a third reason for employ- ing the technique of covert criticism: that of pleasing and delighting the audience.

A read- ing of the Prince which sees it as covert criticism of the Renaissance prince squares com- pletely with our understanding of Machiavelli as a master "beffatore," familiar to us from the pages of the Mandragola and in his private letters. The inclusion of a message critical of princes in a work addressed to a prince would have brought a smile to the face of him- self and his republican friends as the ultimate inganno.

In the face of the overwhelming power of the Medici family, the last laugh would be that of their republican opponents, the thieves of Florentine liberty being themselves deprived of their legitimacy, "stripped! Gentili writes: "He [Machiavelli] was a eulogist of democracy, and its most spirited champion.

Born, educated and attaining to honors under a democratic form of govern- ment, he was the supreme foe of tyranny[. The purpose of this shrewdest of men was to instruct the nations under pretext of instructing the prince, and he adopted this pretext that there might be some hope that he would be tolerated as an educator and teacher by those who held the tiller of government" De legationibus libri tres, London, , Book 3, Ch.

The translation is that of Gordon L. Laing, vol. Donaldson, in Chapter 3 of the same book gives other examples of early readers of the Prince who saw a hidden anti- tyrannical message in the text. Gentili was professor of law at Oxford, born on January 14, in the small town of Castello di San Ginesio in the Marches near Ancona, whose father Matteo had studied with a student of Pietro Pompanazzi, Simone Porta, at Pisa, and whose family had been forced to flee Italy after Alberico and his father were condemned by the Inquisition in Connell notes that the title page of a first edition of the Prince, bound together with the Discours- es, and said to have belonged to Queen Elizabeth I of England, now in the Princeton Uni- versity Library, bears, in Latin, the note "This author was the enemy of tyrants" Connell The anecdote recounted by Cardinal Pole cited above would tend to suggest that this au- dience may have been larger than scholars have up until now been aware.

Certainly the political circumstances in Europe as a whole during this period were such as to create an environment in which such modes of discourse--which allowed for the expression of critical ideas while maintaining a margin of safety--would have been! Richard- son notes the wide circulation of the work in manuscript among the elites in Florence, in- cluding the Guicciardini family, immediately after its completion, who were eager to read the work in the political context of the recent restoration of the Medici to power, a fact which suggests that these readers, in a way similar to those Florentines on the street men- tioned by Cardinal Pole, may have read the work as containing a veiled political com- mentary on contemporary events.

Richardson also notes the wide circulation of the text in manuscript outside of Florence soon after its completion, including a manuscript now in Germany prepared by a team of Venetian scribes as a working copy for an early edition of the text which was never published, an edition, which, had it been published, would have predated the first edition of by almost fifteen years. Perhaps, too, he [Machiavelli] did not proceed beyond this date [] because he would not have had free rein to speak his mind on contemporary and immediate politics.

Even his views on historical political situations had to be hidden Machiavelli was considered [by the Medici regime] meddlesome if not actually dangerous See for example Cantimori , Firpo , Ginzburg , and Zagorin In addition, the widespread popularity in Europe of the literary genre of the paradoxical encomium attests to the predisposition of Renais- 94!

In regard to covert criticism in the visual arts, there are Renaissance portraits by highly skilled artists in which one is genuinely uncertain whether the artist intended to flatter or to mock the sitter. The fact that this banker was in actual fact short of stature does not negate the intended allusive mockery of the portrait, but, on the contrary, merely provides the artist cover, since he can always claim that he was just attempt- ing to get an accurate likeness.

As Hibbert notes, he was also forced to use a telescope on his hunting expeditions, a fact also reported by contemporaries, and which presents us with the extremely humorous image of an im- mensely fat Pope swaying back and forth on his galloping horse, barely able to stay in the saddle, his tele- scope firmly fixed to his eye. In our view, this is a humorous reference to the fact that, with the sun shining through it from the right, it is about to set, unbeknownst to the sitter and his two attendants, the Holy Book on fire.

The fact that modern readers do not share this mental predisposition may account for the relative paucity of modern! In 16th century Florence, it was also a common insult to call someone a cow bue , one of the best examples of this in an art-historical context being the insults hurled against the David of Baccio Bandinelli upon the public unveiling of the statue, which led the artist to complain to his patron about this outrage to his honor, and eventually to leave the city altogether.

It was also a Renaissance commonplace, for those opposed to the Medici regime, to refer to the debauchery and immorality of their private life, an allusion to the classical commonplace of the degeneracy and immorality of the Roman emperors. In its expres- sionless whiteness, it also recalls a mask, masks being, in Renaissance Europe, commonly under- stood as symbols of fraud. In the following chapters, we cite many more such examples, and suggest that, not only was this a common practice in Renaissance Italy, but that at least some viewers were capable of discerning and appreciating these hidden messages.

The question of why an artist would risk insulting his patron in this way is a hard one to answer, but in the following chapters, we will suggest some possible answers to this question. We conclude with a reminder from a scholar of Tacitus about the difficulty of ever being sure that one has interpreted him correctly:! The prudentia of Tacitus lies as much in what he does not reveal as in what he does display in his narrative.

The reader is challenged to reach his own conclusions, and when he has done this he still cannot know for certain if he has correctly understood the mind of Tacitus. Thus the interpreter of Tacitus faces a dilemma. He must engage with the wise and subtle intellect of a genius who seldom stands at the center of his stage, yet, in interpreting to his audience the!

This dou- bleness immediately suggests irony, but to say that the style is ironical is already a simpli- fication, for it leads us to think that, having perceived the irony, we have consequently got the point. In fact, we can do little more than wonder whether it is his irony or our double vision. One is almost tempted to say that his mystery is his meaning: his words impress us as fragments torn from a greater silence, where the whole truth is to be found, though not by us. There are not many such writers altogether.

Most of them are poets and dramatists. Some are novelists and philosophers. Very few are historians. Thucydides perhaps belongs among them; Tacitus certainly. In this chapter, we continue our discussion of covert criticism of the Medici in Re- naissance Florence by turning to another major figure of the period who, in ways not dis- similar to the Florentine Secretary discussed in the previous chapter, has also been sub- ject, over the centuries, to a good deal of critical misinterpretation. In the case of Machiavelli, precisely the opposite has occurred: his afterlife as a man whose scurrilous support of a kind of scandalous amorali- ty in the realm of politics has blinded even his best readers to the improbability that a man of his family history and political convictions could have written a book which ei-!

In both their cases, the glow or in the case of Machiavelli, shadow of their posthumous reputations has shed such a strong light as to completely obscure the more subtle, but vitally important, currents at work beneath the surface of the works for which they are best known. The possibility that Michelangelo's sculptures in the Medici Chapel may have been intended by the artist to express a subtle, but nevertheless for those able to discern it powerful critique of Medici power, dates from the cinquecento itself, and has recently been reproposed by Trexler and Lewis.

With the exception of the article of Trexler and Lewis cited above, there has been as yet no attempt to apply this knowledge of Michelangelo's political views to a consideration of his work in the Sagrestia Nuova, and to ask whether these political views might have found expression there also. As we hope to show, Michelangelo's intention in creating the chapel was exactly the opposite: to provide a very subtle, and yet, for those viewers able to discern it, devas- tating, critique of Medici power and its effects on his native city.

To achieve this, he re- lies, as we shall see, on viewers' familiarity with the classical iconographical tradition of captive figures, well known to Renaissance artists, and also on their familiarity with a parallel literary tradition, in which suffering female figures are used to symbolize the! In general, it seems that many scholars of the Chapel have assumed that spiritual or aesthetic analyses cannot coexist with a political reading of the work.

There is no evidence that for Renaissance viewers a variety of responses could not coexist or be equally valid depend- ing on the orientation of the individual viewer. These traditions formed the cul- tural knowledge, or "cognitive equipment" to use Baxandall's apt phrase which would have allowed certain viewers to discern a political message at work in the sculptures of the Medici chapel.

Hence, the intuitions of those viewers of previous eras who claimed to discern an anti-Medicean message in the chapel, far from being simply reflections of their own political preoccupations, were actually well-founded. In particu- lar, we will consider the Florentine tradition of political sculpture, in which public works of art took on overt or covert political meanings, meanings which could be critical of those in power.

His feelings, and the necessity of expressing them in a covert way, were both determined by the politi- cal climate in which the work was planned and executed. To give you news of things here, and es- pecially of the arrival of Our Lord, that is, the Pope. And although I am certain that to you knowing these things differs little from not knowing them [emphasis added]. But to Michelangelo, such ceremonies were, according to his brother, a matter of total indifference. The pas- sage is worth quoting at length:! Regarding the 40 foot colossus which you write me is to go in the corner of the loggia of the Medici garden.

I have given it no little thought. And because no one would perhaps tolerate taking away the entrance to the barbershop, I thought that the figure could be made to sit, and that the seat could be so high, that making the work hollow inside as is appropriate and could be ac complished by making him in pieces , the barbershop could stay underneath, and would not lose any income. And so that said shop would have someplace to eject! Unless otherwise noted, all translations from the Italian in this article are mine. And further, since the head of the figure will be empty, as everything else, I think good use could be made of this also, because there is in the piazza a close friend of mine, a vegetable-seller, who has told me in secret that he would put a nice dovecote there.

And there occurs to me something else, which would be much better, but one would need to make the figure much larger and one could, because this is to be a tower in pieces ; and this is, that its head could serve as the belltower of San Lorenzo, which really has need of one, and placing the bells there, and the sound issuing from its mouth, it would seem that the said colossus were crying out for mercy, and especially on holidays, when the bells sound more often and with larger bells.

One may also note the reference to the bells, which were, as Waldman points out, a potent contemporary symbol of Florentine liberty. In this letter, then, Michelangelo presents us with a vivid clash of symbols, and ! Michelangelo, Carteggio III, From the point of view of the old landed feudal aristocracy, the Medici would have been seen as upstarts in the city, par- venus, unworthy to command a man of such distinguished ancestry.