Volume 9 Western and Southern Europe Authors: David Thomas and John Chesworth. Add to Cart. Have an Access Token? Enter your access token to activate and access content online. Please login and go to your personal user account to enter your access token. Have Institutional Access? Forgot your password? PDF Preview. Christian-Muslim Relations. Table of Contents. Related Content. Editors: David Thomas and John A. Christian-Muslim Relations, a Bibliographical History 9 CMR 9 covering Western and Southern Europe in the period is a further volume in a general history of relations between the two faiths from the seventh century to the early 20th century.
It comprises a series of introductory essays and also the main body of detailed entries which treat all the works, surviving or lost, that have been recorded. These entries provide biographical details of the authors, descriptions and assessments of the works themselves, and complete accounts of manuscripts, editions, translations and studies.
The result of collaboration between numerous leading scholars, CMR 9, along with the other volumes in this series is intended as a basic tool for research in Christian-Muslim relations. Volume 10 Ottoman and Safavid Empires There, one nation would be seen through the eyes of another; but here was a German claiming insights into the drama and theatre of the whole of Europe.
Words in season eventually secured Schlegel permission to lecture in the capital city, and the university was the first chosen venue. A princely twenty-five florins was charged for fifteen lectures, three per week. One notices also the state censor, perhaps making notes in the back row. Nobles jostled to secure tickets, including Count Wrbna-Freudenthal who later signed the letter granting Schlegel his imperial audience in April. These were the people with the time and the leisure, who would not miss 25 florins.
What he has to say, however, is very much to my liking, e. I can say that I attended the lectures with great pleasure. It suited his hearers better and was more appropriate to his subject-matter. He had now found the right medium, not academic discourse as in Jena, or that demanding section in Prometheus taken from his Berlin cycle.
He would have to make concessions and keep technicalities to a minimum: some of his exalted audience would be more conversant with French as a language of discourse. Romantic doctrine would have to be made accessible to princes and counts of the Empire, a balancing-act that required considerable skill and tact. In a sense, of course, he was not proclaiming Romanticism as something radically new or—the ultimate horror in Vienna—revolutionary.
Much of his material was recycled from his own earlier lectures and publications. Very few, possibly none, of his audience would have been present in all three places, Jena, Berlin and now Vienna, and not many would have noticed how much had already been enunciated in those earlier venues, for instance most of the long sections on the Greeks.
Much drew on existing published material, the Parny review in the Athenaeum on Aristophanes , the article on the Spanish theatre in Europa , or the recent Comparaison of that Heinrich von Collin also present was in the process of translating. In Vienna, Schlegel had to take a lot for granted, and he was sparing in his citation of sources. It was not the real point. While philology could never be an irrelevance for Schlegel, the circumstances of the Lectures required large generalisations, relativisms, eye-catching juxtapositions and sweeping conclusions, the most famous of which is this section from the Twelfth Lecture:.
Ancient art and poetry strives for the strict severance of the disparate, the Romantic delights in indissoluble mixtures: all opposites, nature and art, poetry and prose, the grave and the gay, memory and intuition, the intellectual and the sensuous, the earthly and the divine, life and death, it stirs and dissolves into one solution.
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As the oldest law-givers proclaimed and set out their teachings and precepts in modulated harmonies, as Orpheus, the first tamer of the still wild human race, is praised in fable; in the same way the whole of ancient poetry and art is like a cadenced set of prescriptions, the harmonious proclamation of the eternal precepts of a world, finely ordered, that reflects the eternal archetypes of things. The Romantic, by contrast, is the expression of the mysteries of a chaos that is struggling to bring forth ever new and wondrous births, that is hidden under the order of nature, in its very womb: the life-giving spirit of primal love hovers anew over the waters.
The one is simpler, clearer and more akin to nature in the self-sufficient perfection of its single works; the other, despite its fragmentary appearance, is closer to the secret of the universe. For instance, the images of biological organic growth as opposed to the mechanical and ordered, are common currency in the language of German idealism: Schlegel applies them to whole periods and styles.
In matters of presentation and disposition, he had learned some lessons from Berlin; while in terms of his general attitudes, he had not greatly changed. Old enmities ran deep. Thus to introduce the essential Shakespeare, Schlegel reformulated the insight, not new or original, which the Germans Herder, Goethe, Eschenburg, Tieck, Schlegel himself had made their own: that Shakespeare is the natural inerrant genius who essentially has nothing to learn, but who submits to the discipline of form and art to achieve true greatness.
Read my Shakespeare, is the unspoken message of his Shakespeare lecture to his German audience, an instruction of less relevance for later French, English or other readers. Shakespeare had links with both the intellectual Bacon and the political strivings of his age, but there was in his account of the English nation still some of that spirit of chivalry and feudalism, independence of mind and action, that had animated the Middle Ages.
Furthermore: the Histories, taken as a cycle, could be read as heroic epic in dramatic form: it was not Spenser, not Milton especially not he , but Shakespeare who through the unconsciousness of genius had supplied the English with their national epic. Not for the first time German ideas were being assimilated to the processes of foreign literature: Schlegel was clearly finding analogies with the Nibelungenlied , one of his current preoccupations.
Aeschylus and Sophocles had been Athenian citizens, Seneca the court philosopher of Nero. Hence the amount of space, seemingly beyond all proportion three lectures out of fifteen , that Schlegel devotes to the disqualification of the neo-classical, the need to deny it houseroom in the wide scheme of European drama that he unfolds, one that also obliquely takes in the Indians, who with the Greeks were the only ancient people with a native dramatic tradition.
It reflected national characteristics and virtues love, honour. Much of this would take on a peculiar relevance as the Lectures appeared in print, the sections up to and including European neo-classicism in , followed in by the sections on Romantic drama. These political aspirations as opposed to legal, military and educational reforms were of course not to be fulfilled in the German lands, and Prince Metternich, no doubt sitting in the front row of the lecture hall, would be the author of the later reaction that saw their frustration.
Their journey took them into the Bohemian lands: Goethe was rumoured to be in Carlsbad. This meeting never eventuated, but in Prague, where they arrived on 26 May, they hoped to meet Friedrich Gentz. He chose therefore to lie low in Prague. He had to borrow money from his brother to get this far, and more would be needed to see him to his ultimate destination.
His first communication from Vienna, in July , would inaugurate a litany recounting his tribulations, his waiting in the antechambers of the influential, his harassments, real and imagined, by the secret police. Wieland was gracious, even to Schlegel. Schlegel left the party at Weimar and made a quick dash across to Hanover. It was part of her discovery that the Germans were a profoundly religious people Protestant Germans, that is, for Catholics formed a disproportionately shorter part of the narrative. She may not even have appreciated the differences inside German Protestantism.
But the visit to the Moravian Brethren in Neudietendorf near Erfurt struck a different note. She described the communal life and worship of the Brethren, their regularity and tranquility, the harmony of their inner feelings and their outward conduct. It was to be the last time that he saw his cherished and devoted mother.
Hanover had been swallowed up by this Napoleonic creation. Outside, Spain rose in revolt; later, Austria prepared for war. He is more conciliatory in the matter of national dramatic styles, provided that none claims a monopoly of taste or excellence the second part of his Vienna Lectures, published later in the same year, would adopt a different tone.
Instead, he uses Constant to diminish Schiller. Schiller had not succeeded in containing his material in five acts; his trilogy was not, like those of the Greeks, the product of inner necessity, but of despair. Had Schiller been a more experienced dramatist, had he spent less time on philosophical or historical studies, he might have achieved the same five- act solution as Constant.
This was the delayed critical voice of Jena. Reimer in his turn handed Schlegel over to Julius Hitzig in Berlin, a new publisher looking for copy and very glad to add the famous translator to his list. Sophie Bernhardi had not forgotten her poetic ambitions amid her family affairs. Could Schlegel find a publisher for her verse epic Flore und Blanscheflur? He remembered Zimmer in Heidelberg.
Zimmer was not interested, but he sensed a real prize when Schlegel offered him his Vienna Lectures. Schlegel had wanted them to appear in Vienna itself, but publishers there would only pay in paper money. Zimmer could offer proper currency, two and a half Carolins per sheet for a print-run of 1, Doubtless Schelling had a hand in this. There was an academy project on standard German grammatical usage. Could he be persuaded? In fact Schlegel was far more interested in borrowing the Munich manuscript of the Nibelungenlied. Schlegel had remained behind while she, Sabran and Montmorency set out for the event, which took place on 17 August.
It was the only folk event that she in fact seems to have seen and it suited her purposes admirably. There were other spectators of note at Interlaken. That great royal traveller Crown Prince Ludwig was there. It was the moment to intercede for Friedrich Tieck, still in Rome. Having done the busts of the Weimar notabilities and some in Munich, would Tieck not be the ideal sculptor for the Walhalla, the monument to German greatness that was to arise on the banks of the Danube near Regensburg?
Thus ensued one of the more bizarre episodes in the history of Coppet.
He did not practise ethereality: no serving- wench was safe from his attentions. Goethe had been equally fascinated and repelled by him, but the periodical Prometheus expressed itself more drastically: sampling his works was like enjoying a banquet where one had unwittingly been eating human flesh. Werner also spent hours in conversation with Schlegel. Maybe she needed a catalyst such as Werner or Schlegel. Tieck, Novalis and Friedrich Schlegel had been attracted to the Silesian theosophist, whereas August Wilhelm had been less drawn.
That was only to cease with his conversion to Catholicism in Schlegel was not to take such a step. For there is enough evidence from his correspondence up to the Russian journey of a searching for spiritual satisfaction, for an easing of soul, but not necessarily inside an ecclesiastical or hierarchical framework.
At this stage he was willing to defend the speculations of his brother Friedrich in Ueber die Sprache und Weisheit against the likes of Schelling; indeed in an important letter to the latter of 19 August he saw philosophy as but one way towards truth, not an end in itself; it alone—not even Kant—could not open up the ultimate secrets. Whereas later it would be history, historical record, the examination of sources on the broadest of bases that would inform his method of study, he was now prepared to entertain hidden links between the spiritual and material world that would not sustain historical or philological analysis.
But where personal involvement or friendship entered into it he could be relied upon to produce a striking image that comes over to us as authentic. He filled niches in the Weimar palace, not only with Goethe and Schiller, but with Klopstock and Voss. His Schelling breathes energy and intelligence; his Alexander von Humboldt has something of the freshness and determination of the young voyager. That was certainly the way that Werner, the later convert to Catholicism and ordained priest, wished to see it. This would not be the hardship it might seem to be, for her father had presciently purchased property there.
The fates of these two enterprises were soon to be intertwined. Was he the property of the Franco-American owner of Chaumont and a reminder that slavery was still being practised in both countries? The poem states that the slave was set free, and it affirms his belief still in the efficacy of the sacraments.
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For a publisher the author went to Gabriel-Henri Nicolle, who had also brought out Corinne. They knew of her unrepentant interest in politics, for instance her concern as the widow of a Swedish diplomat at the outcome of the succession to the Swedish throne. Their recommendation was: publication, but with changes to the offending passages. The proofs then went to the highest authority himself: Napoleon. His main instruction was the removal of the section favourable to England.
It is clear from that context that Auguste, not subject to the same ban as his mother, had taken the letter in person; Schlegel had sought to intervene with Corbigny. The proofs were then pulped. Pleas for an audience fell on deaf ears. In fact she received a visa for Coppet and decided to return there instead. And was it not clear that Schlegel, the author of the Comparaison , was regarded as her accomplice?
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Fortunately the French translation had not reached the production stage, and Chamisso was able to retain his manuscript for future use. The French police bulletins of October and November were notable in drawing attention to the ideological dangers filtering in from Germany: Werner, with his offensive Attila ; Fichte of the Reden an die deutsche Nation , Gentz in the pay of the English , and the Schlegel brothers. Nor with a print run of 5, and several sets of proofs in existence was this humanly possible. Some say, in Lausanne, Humboldt is supposed to have said it.
Do you not have any bright new plans for next spring? She had meanwhile decided that it would be prudent for him to absent himself from Coppet or Geneva for a couple of months. It all added to the precariousness of their situation. In the summer of and lasting into , there was even an infatuation: with the admirable and gifted Marianne Haller, the wife of the city architect and very much his junior.
Schlegel could only enjoy her charms, her intelligence and her talk at a distance. It is certainly no coincidence that the two poems that he addressed to her adopt the conventions of Minnesang, one of them even in an approximation to Middle High German stanzaic form, for this was the lady untouchable and inviolate whom one could approach only in verse.
It was to the robuster Nibelungenlied that Schlegel now devoted time and leisure, to collate the various manuscripts. It was, however, to Mohr and Zimmer that Schlegel turned for the works that for him mattered in these last Swiss years: the completed Vienna Lectures and the Poetische Werke , both of which came out in These were not good times for publishers or for authors. North Germany, a market that a bookseller overlooked at his peril, was subject to the decree of 5 February that extended across the French imperial territories to all those under its jurisdiction; Zimmer, in neutral Baden, went ahead with the Poetische Werke nevertheless.
Die Kunst der Griechen , that elegy that had once adulated Goethe, was still there, more on account of its correct versification than its genuine sentiments. He would have even more pleasure when in the same year Ludwig Tieck, a notoriously bad correspondent, surprised him by dedicating to him his collection Phantasus and reawakening the memory of Jena.
Here were some political tactics, some acts of deference, but also an acknowledgement of who belonged together, who had stood up for the other over the years—and there were not many of them left. Frontispiece and title page. It was a reminder of how medieval chivalry and fable still informed the Renaissance Ariosto, Tasso, Shakespeare, Cervantes , how the canonical poets all proceeded from the same sources and substance.
In June, , while he was briefly back in Coppet, she decided on an altogether more adventuresome and risky operation: she asked Schlegel to travel from Berne to Vienna with a copy, to be deposited in the safe hands of Friedrich Schlegel and to be recovered on their way eventually to Russian or Swedish asylum. The route to be taken was at this stage not clear, but Vienna would in all likelihood be the point of departure. In Vienna, he found his brother, doubtless told in advance of this imminent incursion, and not a little surprised.
It bound him to a political ideology—that of the Habsburg state, its aspirations and its myths—yet who in these years could live free of such allegiances? Ludwig Tieck, living in his bolt hole in remotest Brandenburg, perhaps, or those two footloose if very different figures, Clemens Brentano and Zacharias Werner, until Rome claimed them, but most others could not afford that luxury.
One must picture—if one can—a corpulent Friedrich festooned in this finery, on horseback, in the rain, mud, heat and dust of armies on the march. It was his task to produce an army newspaper. The Austrian army had meanwhile withdrawn to Hungary. Friedrich suffered privations: with his usual intellectual curiosity he nevertheless explored in Buda the antiquities of the kingdom and met scholars and writers. He was not back in Vienna until the end of More significant for him were the lectures on history which he gave in Vienna from 19 February to 9 May, And these lectures, delivered in the fine historiographical prose of which Friedrich was capable, had a distinctly Austrian accent.
And the fine rhetoric of delivery did not conceal a historical teleology and a message for the times, something that a political journalist and intellectual was expected to supply. It is for us brothers of course a great privation to be separated from each other without any prospect of meeting again; he was quite hypochondriac and in lowest spirits before I arrived, but our conversations picked him up again. When I left, he went with me and then he turned back, alone, on foot across a bare and treeless plain, a truly sad image of our separation.
Unlike Friedrich, who was to deliver three more big lecture cycles in Vienna and Dresden, August Wilhelm was only once again to lecture to a general public, much later in Berlin. His lectures on history embraced the ancient world, not the modern, and they were for a university audience. It was a reflection of her own experience, sometimes even shared with him, yet it was so much limited to what she had actually seen and taken in, was so ideologically slanted to her needs, that questions of mere attributions or informants— who helped her with this part or that—became largely irrelevant.
There was little point in asking, as some contemporaries were to do, whether Schlegel had checked it through. Nations should serve as guides one to one another, and they would all be wrong were they to deprive each other of the enlightenment that they can afford one another mutually. There is something very strange about the difference between one people and another: climate, landscape, language, government, above all the events of history, a force ranking above all others, contribute to these diversities, and no-one, however superior he may be, can guess at what is going on naturally in the mind of the one who lives on a different soil and breathes a different air: one will do well in every country to receive alien thoughts; for, in this way hospitality makes the fortune of the one who receives it.
He knew also which places and which persons she chose to omit no Munich, no Berlin salons, no Gentz, for instance and which individuals she chose to elevate to a status largely ordained by her and her own personal acquaintance. He might also have reflected that his material, his insights, his plot-summaries could be implicitly relied upon for their accuracy, while hers could not, being often second-hand, tailored to her needs, and sometimes wilfully wrong as in her account of the plot of Faust. He may have despaired at her account of Kant, until he recognized, as one must, that she was using him, as so many other figures and ideas, to further her own cultural and political aims, or that she was calling for the study of serious philosophy as opposed to frivolous scepticism or materialism.
There were allusions enough to the times in which they were delivered, arguments for the audience to understand why Germany in its present state could not emulate Athens or Golden Age Spain or Elizabethan England. In that sense his Lectures were a continuation of debates and agonizings since over what had gone wrong, why the old order had collapsed, why the German lands had fallen to Napoleon one after the other and had been divided and ruled as he saw fit. In postulating how the theatre might contribute to the building of the nation, Schlegel was doing his patriotic duty, less outspokenly of course than political voices like, say, Arndt, Gentz, or Stein, while performing it nevertheless.
True, with its territorial divisions, it had then as now lacked a capital city, something that the Germans themselves had been deploring for several generations and that Friedrich Schlegel had noted with regret in Europa. For her part, she was not interested in institutions or society other than its highest echelons, or indeed too many tiresome factual details. The important thing was to point to what France did not have, but might have, if it let another nation be its guide and inspiration. It might see alternatives to centralism, control, despotism and acts of arbitrary tyranny.
Readers in France might have cause to ponder issues that were not specific to Germany, but which might acquire a new urgency through an openness to another culture: reason, intelligence, faith, imagination, philosophy, mental energy. It had been a way of transcending the provincial narrowness of Jena and it would also overcome the restrictions of Bonn, for his later scholarly career was oriented as much to Paris and London as to the Prussian university where he was to live and work.
In fact he was only there from October to November, , and from March to May in America was now ruled out, although as late as November she was contemplating it. They became more and more dependent on snippets of news regarding the political situation in Europe. Could Turkey be a route, once the Russo-Turkish border was secure? When Capelle used chicanery to challenge the validity of the original purchase of Coppet by the Neckers, it was Schlegel who was able to use the good offices of his Heidelberg publisher to secure the deeds.
On his side, he could not aspire to claiming her affection, let alone her love; he was merely indispensable and fraternally so; on her side she permitted no rivals, but at the same time she was free to indulge her passions as she chose. Small wonder that he in a letter of April or May, reproached her with folly and heartlessness towards him. Already in May, Germaine and Rocca entered into a solemn engagement to marry, and in the late summer she found herself pregnant—in her forty-sixth year.
Of the official Coppet circle only Fanny Randall was party to the secret; Schlegel never found out while there. Germaine was to the outside world suffering from dropsy: even Zacharias Werner in Rome heard of it. It was in Berne, too, that he received through his sister-in-law Julie Schlegel in Hanover the news of the death of his mother, on 21 January, Protestant worship no longer met the needs of his heart: it was in Catholic shrines that he found a first solace. Nowhere is there a word about confession or doctrine: the outward signs and symbols manifested in the act of worship, he claimed, brought us an assurance of the divine presence.
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He must have assumed that he would never return, for this cache was to remain undiscovered for over years. He left behind too his 1,volume library, carefully ordered according to incunables, quartos, and octavos. One could see here the books that had occupied him during this part of his career—the material on Dante, Shakespeare, Homer, Roman antiquities, the Nibelungenlied , the fine arts—and some, like the volumes of the Asiatick Researches , that pointed to future preoccupations.
Rocca and Albert would join them later. No-one must suspect anything: there were to be no visible preparations for departure. It was to end in St Petersburg. In a sense she had been traversing Europe since late Schlegel was in her company for a large part of that time. Why not an even grander tour? Yet this journey was in every other respect different. Stockholm lent itself, because she was the widow of a Swedish envoy and baron. Her children were technically Swedish citizens, and she wished to see her sons employed in the service of their adopted country.
Her ultimate goal was however England, the land that in her eyes could do no wrong or very little. He was already the much-celebrated author of the Vienna Lectures, which had been published in full in , and were to appear in French in and in English in It would be issued in London by John Murray. For these were years that saw him producing not poetry but a great deal of prose, political rhetoric in fact. After this interlude of roughly two years, Schlegel was to turn again to pure scholarly activity, involving learning the basics of Sanskrit. Like her he was a fugitive from Napoleon.
His association with her had seen him banned from Geneva. Now he was fleeing in her company, finding refuge in Russia, a country at war with Napoleon, and then in Sweden, where the Prince Royal and the Tsar had just concluded a treaty. Once Sweden and France were formally at war, Schlegel had no option but to stay close to Bernadotte. For Napoleon and his agents they were seditious, insurrectionary even. When later comparing his own career in these years with the academic idyll in Heidelberg enjoyed by his old adversary Johann Heinrich Voss, Schlegel was not exaggerating in saying that he could have been arrested for treason in French territory.
In , Albertine, now sixteen and a young beauty, was married to Victor, duke of Broglie. There were other reminders. All this may help in part to explain the tone in his letters, not without some self-pity, of stoical acceptance of an unfulfilled lot, the sense that one had to accommodate to what life had in store and not expect happiness. A secret political agent, following armies on horseback; wearing a splendid uniform, in court dress; rubbing shoulders with the high and mighty, corresponding with the Tsar, Metternich Bernadotte as a matter of course ; formulating state policy, like Stein or Gentz?
There was nothing new in these associations: the visits to Italy, Germany and Austria, while under different circumstances, had been a first habituation. In a way the rest simply followed. In these years people changed in station and allegiance as chance and circumstances demanded. Why could not Schlegel the Hanoverian write pamphlets in Swedish service?
The middle-aged Fichte ruined his health as an academic firebrand in Berlin. Younger men, some of whom had heard Schlegel in Jena or Berlin, rallied to the colours. Only the unmartial Ludwig Tieck, dedicating his collection Phantasu s to Schlegel in and evoking the great days of Jena, kept well out of the fray in his bolt hole in the Mark of Brandenburg. Unlike some of these, Schlegel did not see action and generally kept back with the headquarters staff. Not for him the mud, the dust, the fleas, the corpses, the dead horses, the Cossacks, the detritus of the battlefield, the first-hand narratives of great encounters.
In the rearguard, he would exchange the sword for the pen, as a forceful writer in both German and French. Here, they were joined by Rocca, Albert, and Schlegel, who had been entrusted with securing passports for the next leg of the journey. He would rejoin them in Stockholm. He had no option but to swallow his chagrin and concentrate on the main task of their all somehow reaching Sweden.
It would be different from their previous journeyings, for she was now in poor health and less able to withstand discomforts. Schlegel was in effect a proscribed person, Rocca was a French citizen. From Berne they went via Zurich and Winterthur and then briefly through the Bavarian controlled Tyrol. Rather than reflect on the recent fate of Andreas Hofer and his Tyrolean uprising, it was expedient to pass quickly through to Salzburg and Munich and gain Austrian soil.
The parties met up at Linz and proceeded to Vienna. She would soon realize that Austria had changed since The Schlegel brothers saw each other for the last time until There was however the need to obtain passports for their forward journey: visits to the Russian and Swedish ambassadors became as much a necessity as a social duty.
They were soon to learn the unpalatable fact that Austria could present a different aspect if one came as a fugitive, even one of fame and high rank. They were subjected to constant surveillance, and it was even to emerge that one of their servants was in police pay.
His master Metternich, less enamoured than he, was absent and did nothing. Peace had been concluded between Russia and Turkey. It was one reason why she had preferred exile in Coppet to banishment in America. Napoleon however put paid to that particular scheme by declaring war on Russia. There were harassments and petty inconveniences along the way, with uncertainties about passports Schlegel had been left in Vienna to sort these out as they passed through Moravia Brno, Olomouc and Galicia.
The monotony of the landscape depressed her. There were however compensations. With great relief they arrived at Brody, the Austrian-Russian border station, on 13 July. The governors of Kiev, Orel and Tula received them. Then, on 2 August, the golden cupolas of Moscow came into sight. Except in a political context, he rarely wrote anything complimentary about the Slavs.
Whether the journey through the Slavonic lands was the cause, must remain a conjecture. They had time to take in the ancient city, to meet its most famous literary personage, Nikolai Karamzin, and its governor, Count Rostopchin, who was soon to give the order for its destruction. They then travelled across the endless plain, through Novgorod and thus to St Petersburg, where they arrived on 11 August.
The month in the Russian capital was to be the first of her late triumphs, with Stockholm, London and Paris to follow. This meant that Schlegel inevitably receded into the background, while she shone all the more refulgently. Arndt mentions him only by name, Stein similarly, John Quincy Adams, who had two animated conversations with her, not at all.
St Petersburg was offering asylum to notable ruling spirits in the opposition against Napoleon. Arndt had made his journey to Moscow and to St Petersburg to join Stein and become his private secretary. A treaty had been signed there on 30 August, leaving Sweden free to pursue its policies against Denmark, suitably assisted by a Russian loan. The Tsar had charmed his Swedish partner, but had not committed himself to concrete undertakings. Savary certainly thought so. More probably she put in a good word for Bernadotte during her audience with Alexander.
To her distress it was booed. Anti- French feelings might run high, but surely French culture was excepted. It clearly was not. In that assumption he was correct. This meant leaving the splendours of St Petersburg for the more sober grandeur of Stockholm. If one wanted an illustration of how the French Revolution had shaken up the old political and social order of Europe, he would provide it.
Bernadotte was above all the army commander at Austerlitz, at Jena, at Eylau, at Wagram, yet Napoleon was never satisfied with his performance at these battles, and what is more he did not trust him. Nor did the thought of a parvenu on the Swedish throne worry him. Or indeed of older Swedish history: the remembrance of the Treaty of Kalmar of , for instance, that had once united the three Scandinavian nations under one throne, or of Gustavus Adolphus, or even of Charles XII.
He would have learned that Sweden was still smarting under the loss of its large eastern buffer province of Finland, which had been wrested from it by Russia in after a brief campaign. It was all the more necessary to ensure good relations with Russia in the east and to secure territorial guarantees in the west.
He had forced Sweden to declare war on Britain no shots were actually ever fired , then he had invaded Swedish Pomerania preparatory to his Russian campaign in the summer of For the first time since Vienna, Schlegel emerged from the shadows. Her customary intrepidity deserted her when she left dry land, and her fears were compounded on seeing the frail vessel that was to transport them.
It was, as it were, Lady Hamilton translated to the Baltic. A storm rose, the ship was forced to take shelter near a rocky island. Under such bizarre and slightly hilarious circumstances were Niobe or Iphigenia seen in the Gulf of Bothnia. Schlegel produced a poem for the occasion—it could not be otherwise—adding it to his earlier homage to the young dancer Friederike Brun. The Prussian envoy claimed that her house was the centre of anti-Napoleonic intrigue in the city. Nor did he support the Danish initiatives to secure concessions from the British, which later elicited sarcastic comments from Schlegel.
Of course he had in various contexts expressed quite pronounced views on the development of the modern state, its tendency to centralism, bureaucracy, standing armies. For him the Reformation was the source of many of these evils, which as he saw it had brought the Middle Ages proper to a symbolic end. Rather—in the year —they were a call for reflection on the past as a guide to present uncertainties.
Real politics were, as ever, best left to those who knew its practical limits and who did not go into reveries about what once was. His brother Friedrich meanwhile had been called upon to formulate general policies of state according to Austrian doctrine and had assumed the role of a political propagandist for the Habsburg cause. They were very largely in German, a language that Bernadotte did not read. The Vienna Lectures, the best proof of the man and his style, were not to appear in French until later in Thus General Suchtelen was more or less right when he saw in Schlegel a man whose talents and whose knowledge of Germany made him ideally suitable.
Thus it lacked official status and remained a draft. The reasons for this are not difficult to see. It begged questions and made sweeping assumptions. No-one doubted that a campaign against Napoleon would have to be initiated in the German lands: opinions differed on the details. Bernadotte himself was really only marginally interested in Germany. When he did go there, he used Swedish territory in Pomerania as his base.
Baron Stein, and later Prince Metternich, also had very different notions of how Germany would look during and after a campaign against Napoleon, and they were not especially interested in a Swedish role in these processes except in a minor capacity. He knew that, rhetorically, the case had to be prepared with care. The mention of Walcheren, the British fiasco of , suggested that small and badly organised expeditions were unlikely to succeed.
It would by the same token remind the Prince Royal that he, as Marshal Bernadotte, had once been largely instrumental in that particular British defeat. What was needed was the revival of the German empire itself. Of course it would be an empire that reflected the present state of Germany, its sophistication in political and philosophical thought, not some entity in the past.
At most one might wish an existing royal house to assume leadership, such as Habsburg. Only here did the memorandum pick up some of the medievalisings of the Deutsches Museum. This latter would be no other than Baron Stein with whom, Schlegel reminded the Prince, he had had conversations in St Petersburg. Switzerland would form part of it, the Hanseatic towns as well they would make it a sea power. Without realizing it, Schlegel was coming close to the pan-German visions to be formulated in mid-century and beyond.
The envoi of the memorandum was addressed to Sweden and to the Prince Royal himself. It invoked the ultimate example of Gustavus Adolphus, whose worthy successor it suggested Bernadotte was. A good command of selected facts, a well- presented argument however shaky in parts , and some gross flattery: all of these factors combined to make this a skilfully written political pamphlet. It was, as said, a draft, destined for the eyes of the Prince Royal only, but Schlegel clearly had the authority to make some of its general thrust known in other quarters.
Transnational Perspectives since 1800
It was now opportune to make use of these contacts. Should Napoleon not be vanquished, it would be hemmed in by the constraints of a French alliance. How much more attractive an association with Russia, Britain and Sweden that would guarantee the balance of power but also enable a German league against Napoleon to be constituted. There follow the usual flatteries about the Emperor Francis, Sickingen himself, and the Prince Royal. There was still opposition in.
She would be free to move as ever, to England, while he, now the committed amanuensis and propagandist of Bernadotte, must remain behind. It was to this pamphlet that Schlegel was later referring when he claimed that he could have been arrested in the Kingdom of Westphalia into which his native Hanover had been incorporated. Indeed it was assumed by many that she was the author the English translation actually said so. There was even a public retraction. His aim was to show that neutrality was ineffectual in the face of the dangers of Napoleonic domination.
There was the need for an alliance that would strengthen the three main powers as yet unaffected by French occupation: Russia, Britain, and Sweden itself. To that effect, Sweden must extend its border to the west: it should take Norway from Denmark and incorporate it into an aggrandized Swedish kingdom.
There were conflicts of interest. Both Sweden and Britain of course had a territorial stake in Germany, but Prussia had no intention of allowing its interests to be subordinated to theirs. Certainly nobody asked the Norwegians how they felt. There was a further matter of contention. To prise Norway away from Denmark, one would need to appeal to older links between Sweden and its western neighbour.
Or overriding issues of maritime security would have to be cited. The issues of Schleswig and Holstein, of the Hanseatic towns, would have to be addressed. If so, there would have to be compensations, such as the Hanseatic cities. Schlegel then addressed the contentious issue of the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, since united with the Danish crown, but historically part of the old Holy Roman Empire.
It led to ripostes and charges of venality that the cosmopolitan savant was lending his pen to whoever paid best. Bernadotte meanwhile was preparing to bring Sweden directly into the campaign against Napoleon in the German lands. Compromises were however necessary. The agreement between Russia and Prussia at Kalisch on 25 March, brought Sweden into a further net of alliances, with the guarantee that Prussia would offer Bernadotte an army, a joint force of Swedish, Russian and Prussian troops under his command and based in the first instance in Swedish Pomerania.
It was at the same time that Bernadotte formally broke off diplomatic relations with France, in a written declaration to the Emperor. He was not best pleased when he heard of a Russian initiative to win Denmark for the Allied cause, with a diplomatic mission to Copenhagen. Without consulting Bernadotte, there was talk of a compromise over Norway. In the event, he was not to prove to be the successor to Gustavus Adolphus, who had faced up to Tilly and Wallenstein.
There was mistrust on all sides. Bernadotte feared that Prussia, Russia or Austria might broker a peace with Napoleon without consulting him. Prussia especially suspected that Bernadotte was holding back his Swedish contingent from the thick of the fighting. Henrik Steffens picked up conversations in the Prussian headquarters that were disparaging of the French general in their midst. He was even deputed to deliver a rousing speech in Norwegian to the Swedish troops, intended to remind them of past greatness.
It was to be a wandering existence, one that often involved not knowing exactly where he was and what was actually happening. It is hard to keep track of his movements. Now, for the first time since , she and Schlegel were to be separated one from another.
His service under the Prince Royal, ultimately her doing, took him to the scene of military action or as near as a private secretary came , while she had the task of convincing the still sceptical English that Bernadotte was an ally whom they could implicitly trust. She was learning how much she depended on Schlegel, sending out those cris de coeur about how she missed him, how he was a member of the family, and so forth.
Of course he did belong to the family. He kept up his correspondence with Auguste. He had to sit Latin examinations for the Royal Swedish chancellery. It was an irony that she was able to see the Codex argenteus , the Gothic bible held there, and that Schlegel was not, he who at least knew the language. In her last letter before departure Albertine expressed the hope that they would be well received there. It was never to reach him. Albertine was much admired. She assiduously lobbied on behalf of Bernadotte in London, proudly informing him that she had been intervening for him with the Prince Regent.
Perhaps she was even piqued that he was in a male world where men made the decisions and where her otherwise formidable presence could effect nothing. We hear of the victories at Grossbeeren, Katzbach and Dennewitz, the events that led up to the great confrontation at Leipzig in October. These would be some of the men who on 6 July met at Trachtenberg in Silesia with the Tsar and King Frederick William III of Prussia to work out a strategic plan, much of which was presented to them by Bernadotte himself.
Despite his being, for the Austrians at least, an old adversary and a parvenu to boot, this was the high moment for Bernadotte in what were to be the Wars of Liberation from August to October of that year. Albert had shown himself to be courageous, but also foolhardy, insubordinate and insolent. He had become a compulsive gambler, and this was to prove his undoing. Albert had been in Doberan now Bad Doberan near Rostock.
On 12 July, he had become involved in a quarrel over gambling debts with a certain Jorris, an adjutant to the Russian general Benckendorff. They agreed to fight it out with sabres, the encounter taking place on a bosky rise near the small town. It may also explain the tone of melancholy acceptance that pervades it, or even the wish in subsequent letters to see the business of war over and done with and to return to his first love of scholarship.
A consolation had been the conferral on him by Bernadotte of the Order of Vasa. Before leaving Stralsund, he was able to meet up with General Jean Victor Marie Moreau, who had returned from American exile to throw in his lot with the anti-Napoleonic allies. Moreau and Bernadotte had not agreed on military matters, had parted company, Moreau joining the Tsar. To compensate, he saw the great parade of monarchs and generals and was received personally by the Prussian and Austrian chancellors, Hardenberg and Metternich. The implication was that this also applied to the Swedish pretender, the Jacobin, the renegade, the turncoat.
Schlegel issued a counter-blast in the same newspaper, when Leipzig was no longer under French occupation, having it printed as a pamphlet in both French and German. They were sent to Schlegel in Hanover, where they were duly published with his preface. Was there a conference between the brothers, at which the question of the family name was discussed?
Did the other brothers hand over the original letters patent conferring the title of nobility, Schlegel von Gottleben, on their great-grandfather by Emperor Ferdinand III? There was no need to invade Denmark proper. On 13 December, Schlegel could write from the university town of Kiel, in Holstein. The army moved up in stages. It had not been too uncomfortable, but for Schlegel it was merely another instance of Danish inhumanity. There were even rumours of Schlegel having a romantic attachment, which however came to nothing.
Most conflicts, Schlegel states, end with some cession of territory, so why not Denmark too? Denmark was to be compensated with Swedish Pomerania, so what was the concern? In the event, this did not happen. Norway had suffered under Denmark because of the continental system and the Danish absolute monarchy: Sweden would guarantee ancient Norwegian rights. The speciousness of the argument knew no end. Denmark had backed the wrong horse, was going to lose Norway, and that was that.
Bernadotte could now turn his army westwards to join in the push against Napoleon. This took Schlegel back again to Hanover. The soon to be restored kingdom of Hanover became for a short period a kind of propaganda factory, with both Schlegel and Benjamin Constant at the workplace.
Constant had met the Prince Royal in November and had been delighted. Did he really want peace, or was this merely another of his ruses? What right had the Bourbons to revert to a hereditary monarchy when it had been succeeded by a republic that Bonaparte had then destroyed?
Professor of German with Comparative Literature
Was there not the danger of replacing one absolute system by another? What of the instruments of state? Were they to be restored, and in what fashion? Friedrich Schlegel had been an official mouthpiece for Habsburg policy.
A Short Caucasian Bibliography
The tone is never strident; the Hanoverian preacher stayed within the acceptable limits of Lutheran teaching on church and state. A severe chest infection detained him in Hanover during February and March. Fortunately, his other brother Karl was able to find a good doctor.
A consolation was meeting another royal prince, the Duke of Cambridge, but he was not to be present when Bernadotte issued his proclamation to the French people, his wish for peace, his desire not to have to fight on French soil. Events were not in his favour. His opposition to the Confederation of the Rhine, his disapproval of the settlements agreed between the Tsar, the king of Prussia, and the emperor of Austria and their effective exclusion of Bernadotte , were of no avail. The brief mention in his self-justification against Voss in and one or two scattered references are all that we have.
Not of course the Sanskrit scholars: that was for the future. Have I not heard these islanders shout out, Vive le Roi! A rumour had gone the rounds that the Prince Regent had refused to receive Schlegel, his Hanoverian subject, on account of his association with Bernadotte. Auguste had already left, to join in the great political events that were unfolding. She had once rashly spoken of travelling to Scotland with Schlegel or even settling in Germany. True, there is no diminution of her fame and influence, but these last years usher in the end nevertheless.
These conflicting views make a proper assessment of the real man in these years difficult. They all contained some elements of truth: they only needed the right distribution. All of his abnegation of the scholarly life, his pamphleteering, his wandering existence, had ended in the restoration of the Bourbons. Some wryly cynical poems by him in French from the time of the first Restoration contained this sentiment: Bonaparte may have been bad, but not as bad as the bunch now in power. What was the object of this withdrawal from society?
They and the related reviews were not undertaken in ideal conditions. One senses that he had to utilise the moment and the place to best effect: in Paris, to pursue the study of Sanskrit; in Coppet, to be near Favre and meet him or borrow from his vast library all the antiquarian arcana on the Goths for his studies on the Nibelungenlied ; in Italy, to profit from scholarship there, mainly on classical archaeology or the Etruscans. How was this to be done? The young American traveller and scholar, George Ticknor, reported as follows:.
It was also clearly devised for a bachelor existence. His wife Dorothea, finding more and more solace in her Catholic piety and the welfare of her talented sons, accepted her lot. Not every wife looked up to her husband as she did. Small wonder that his letters from onwards pleaded with August Wilhelm to come back to the German lands, to foster the German cause, to ensure their continued activity together. Yet their public image perpetuated the symbiosis of earlier days. It may not have been the image that they sought to promote. If celebrities, they were at most minor ones. Certainly August Wilhelm wanted to move on from such involvement in political matters.
That was fine if he wished to enjoy the company of the Tsar, Talleyrand, Gentz, Wellington, Grand Duke Karl August and the many others assembled in Paris who sought her salon in Clichy. There was Alexander von Humboldt, now at the apogee of his considerable fame. Nobody held it against him that he was a Prussian: he was a citizen of the world and spoke and wrote in several languages. His famous works of scientific travel were appearing in Paris.