Wundervölker, Monstrosität und Hässlichkeit im Mittelalter (German Edition)

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The area has been inhabited since prehistoric times and was one of the most important cities of the Roman Empire, Lugdunum. After the Battle of Lugdunum the city never fully recovered, and Lyon was built out of its ashes becoming a part of the Kingdom of the Burgundians. Due to its strategic position, the city was founded in 43 BC by Lucius Munatius Plancus and served as the capital of the Roman province Gallia Lugdunensis. The town grew considerably and for years after its foundation Lugdunum was the most important city in north-western Europe. Two emperors, Claudius Germanicus and Caracalla, were born in Lugdunum.

As a cultural crossroad its Christianization occurred very early. In Letters from a Stoic, from the first century AD, Seneca the Younger references the destruction of the city in a great fire. Founding of Lugdunum L. Usually candidates for the national exams have completed two years of dedicated preparatory classes for admission. But universities have the right to select the.

Established in , it has developed one of the first multilateral exchange programs for students and scholars of public administration, and issues a joint diploma upon completion of the program. It was founded in by John Calvin as a theological seminary and law school. In , it dropped its religious affiliations and became officially secular. The university holds and actively pursues teaching, research, and community service as its primary objectives. It is under the purview of the Academy of Lyon. A total of 29, students study there for undergraduate and posgraduate degrees.

It has three campuses in Lyon. History University Lyon 3 was established in the early s 26 July , a division of teachers following the events of May 68 that rocked the academic world. There are also departments of geography-planning, the engineer of the countryside in Annecy and history, and a faculty of philosophy with more than 90 doctoral students.

All three public universities in Lyon Lyon 1, Lyon 2, Lyon 3 are derivative of the former University of Lyon established in The university has steadily expanded its international relations and has re. See the list of public universities in France for the current status of these institutions. History The reforms of French higher education in broke apart several public universities into numerous autonomous successor universities.

These universities have subsequently formed groupi. The nine arrondissements of Lyon The nine arrondissements of Lyon are the administrative divisions of the City of Lyon. INET offers initial and continuing training to managerial staff of large local and regional authorities. Most of the students from the INET become directors or head of department finance, budget, human resources in towns of more than 80 inhabitants, departments or regions.

Some of them start political careers and become French deputies or local politicians. Created in , the school is based in Strasbourg France and changed name in Three different exams are organized each year: The "concours externe" extern exam for students, The "concours interne" intern exam for people who already worke. Since , she has been a councillor of the city of Lyon, responsible for major events, youth and community life. After 15 years in public office, Najat Vallaud-Belkacem decided to take a break from polit.

Asylum seekers by country of origin in It is headquartered in Paris. Members As of , members of the Couperin consortium include the following institutions. The tripe is boiled in a court-bouillon, marinated in white wine, then covered in breadcrumbs and fried. It is usually served with a sauce gribiche with chives added and steamed potatoes. Tablier de sapeur is one of the most common dishes in the bouchons of Lyon.

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I love Lyon in French. Courtine, Robert J. Pierre Bordas et Fils. It was the main inheritor of the Faculty of Humanities of the University of Paris. In , it was merged with Pierre and Marie Curie University and some smaller entities to forming a new university called Sorbonne University. Paris-Sorbonne University was consistently ranked as France's as well as one of the world's most prominent ones in the humanities.

QS World University Rankings ranked it 13th in humanities internationally in , and 17th in and Historical house of the former University of Paris, and main university building of its successor Paris-Sorbonne University Paris-Sorbonne University was one of t. French Embassy in Montevideo. Archived from the original on 30 July Retrieved 10 December Archived from the original on 14 January It was designed in the style of high-tech architecture by the architectural team of Richard Rogers and Renzo Piano, along with Gianfranco Franchini.

As of , the Centre Pompidou has had over million visitors since [4] and more than 5,, visitors in ,[5] inclu. Corvinus University of Budapest is a research university oriented towards education. The university currently has an enrollment of approximately 14, students, offering educational programmes in business administration, economics, and social sciences. Corvinus University accepts students at six faculties and offer courses leading to degrees at the bachelor, master and doctoral level in specialisations taught in Hungarian, English, French or German.

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The University was listed in the top 50 in the Financial Times European Masters in Management rankings,[2] and was the first Hungarian university mentioned among the best in the area of agriculture. Ministers of finance, chairmen of the National Bank of Hungary and prime ministers studied at Corvinus. The immediate forerunner. To the original national training sessions were added sessions in the regions , international sessions , economic intelligence cycles , and other targeted seminars.

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In the Institute became a public administrative establishment placed under the authority of the Prime Minister. The vocation of the Institute is to train high-level military, government officials and high-ranking executives in defence m. This legal distinction is recognized by the French precedent. The university was founded in , its roots can be traced back as early as History The UNI was founded in order to expand the conservative and the right-wing influence in the French university after the May events.

It was created under the initiative of the Service d'Action Civique, a secret service used by the right-wing gaullist movement, in particular by Robert Pandraud, Charles Pasqua and Jacques Foccart; the Service d'Action Civique was dissolved in by the socialist government. The Inter-University Union has always been strongly anti-communist and anti-socialist opposing the numerous left-wing student groups that exist in the French universities. Since its foundation, the UNI claims to be a movement of activists, activism being the main mission of the organization along with the participation to the elections of the students' representatives within the French universities.

The union also uses to position itself within t. This page lists the main streets and squares in Lyon, France. Marianne Cohn was a German-born French Resistance fighter. Biography Marianne Cohn was the eldest child of a family of German intellectuals of Jewish descent, but they did not practice Judaism and had little connection to the Jewish community of Germany.

The family left Germany, eventually settling in France where Marianne's parents were deported to the Gurs internment camp, as German nationals. She and her sister were taken in by the Jewish Scouts organization, with the opportunity to rediscover their Jewish identity. Threatened with deportation, she was incarcerated at Nice and released three months later. It was during this initial detention in , she wrote her famous p. The following is a timeline of the history of the city of Lyon, France. Amandine Gay at a projection of Ouvrir la Voix, Sciences Po Rennes Community College.

Eurostep Organization. Pupukea Hawaiian Restaurant. Pages Liked by This Page. AS Sciences Po Bordeaux. Bordeaux ma ville. TV7 Bordeaux. Declic Bda. France Diplomatie. Centre Emile Durkheim. Institut des Afriques. Campus France. Vin rouge et corne de gazelle. A study of positive law is important, but it should not be confused with a deeper inquiry: the search for the fundamental laws of the political domain. But to appreciate why we must move beyond the liberal interpretation that his objective was to show the importance of curtailing political power by operation of law.

His true purpose was to demonstrate that, in order to generate political power, the political must be framed by the legal.

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He recognized that the type of authority needed to govern modern societies required that their governmental forms be institutionally complex. Just as Bodin had shown that there could be no universal form of scientific jurisprudence in his day, one that was derived from Roman law [30] , so Montesquieu demonstrates that authority cannot be maintained by imposing a strict legal uniformity [31].

Condorcet would later criticize Montesquieu for failing to speak of the justice or injustice of the laws [32]. Historical inquiry, Rousseau maintained, can only replicate historical injustices and legitimate existing power formations [35]. Rather than locating the origins of political order in war and insecurity, Rousseau begins his inquiry into droit politique by first seeking the principles of legitimate government. The essence of the political, he suggests, cannot be derived merely from the desire to have order: if law is defined as the will of the sovereign then legal study cannot yield the principles of legitimate political order.

The challenge of discovering les principes du droit politique is to understand how law can be transformed from an instrument that bolsters the hierarchical relationship of sovereign and subject into a medium by which liberty and equality can be realized. In fact, Rousseau wanted to specify an autonomous conception of the political in rational terms. This is not purely philosophical, but a practical exercise of discovering the principles of political right.

These principles might not be extracted from historical experience, but they count as such only if they can be put to work in actually-existing societies [37]. Like Hobbes before him, Rousseau invokes the idea of a social contract. But he felt that Hobbes erred in treating the foundational pact as a trade-off between liberty the absence of constraint and law the will of the sovereign.

For Rousseau, the modern state is legitimate only if at its foundation natural liberty is replaced by political liberty.

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Liberty for Rousseau is not the mere absence of constraint: liberty entails self-government. This sense of political liberty is not opposed to law: liberty and law are reconciled in a state where people live under laws they themselves have made. This claim, that liberty entails autonomy, makes the concept of political right the key to understanding legitimate government. The question then arises: how can political right reconcile freedom and government?

Rousseau answers this in stages. The sovereign is the public person formed by the union of all i. But how can this public person of the state be said to have a single will? Rousseau answers this question in two further stages. He argues, first, that the foundational pact substitutes a political equality for whatever physical inequality nature may have established: unequal in nature, individuals become political equals by virtue of the pact.

Only as equals are they transformed from a multitude into a people. Secondly, this political equality becomes the precondition for the formation of a single will. Each citizen acquires the same rights over the others as are granted over themselves. This notion of the general will expresses the will of the sovereign. This concept of the general will, expressing the principle of maximum equal liberty, is established as the fundamental law of the modern state [39]. Once the principle of equal liberty is acknowledged as the fundamental law, the concept of law is transformed. Rather than conceiving law the command of the sovereign as imposing a restriction on freedom, it is an expression of freedom.

Since this can be achieved only by acting in accordance with this basic law, whoever refuses to obey it must be constrained to do so. Having identified the basic law, Rousseau specifies its operative principles. He explains that since sovereignty expresses the general will its exercise cannot be transferred, represented or divided. Sovereignty cannot be possessed or represented by any agent; it permeates the entire order and expresses the autonomy of the political. The constitution is therefore analogous to the organization of a living body: it becomes a unity only in the synthesis of those individual decisions and actions which encompass the entire complex of institutional order.

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His objective is to specify a similar type of law droit politique to that of Montesquieu. Bodin and Montesquieu tried to identify the principles of political right, but they had both sought to distill them from historical experience. Rousseau disagrees on the method. Yet he does follow Bodin in recognizing the critical distinction between sovereignty the exercise of the law-making power and government the office responsible for the execution of the law.

The fundamental law of the political domain, he maintained, was the realization of equal liberty in conditions of solidarity. French political jurists might not have agreed on the principles of political right but by the mid-eighteenth century they had made considerable advances in devising a common conceptual framework through which these principles could be expressed.

They recognized the autonomous character of the political domain and the need to devise an immanent structure of public law based on the concepts of state, sovereignty and constitution. It remained to show how their principles of political right could be embedded in the framework of modern nation-states. But when the Revolution came the basics of the conceptual framework, and not just the elements of political right, were subjected to intense debate. But my objective here is only to consider the degree to which, during the revolutionary period, sound principles of political right had the prospect of being institutionalized in a new constitutional arrangement.

Faced with the imminent bankruptcy of the state, the king had convened a meeting of the Estates-General. Prime responsibility for the dire state of affairs, he suggested, lay with the nobility. By virtue of their entrenched feudal privileges, the nobility had in effect seceded from the nation. Far from being a vital part of the nation, they had become in effect its enemies. Their declaration demanded that sovereign authority be transferred from the king to the nation. The meeting of the third estate, comprising the legitimate representatives of the sovereign people, must be transformed into the national assembly.

These dramatic claims initiated what became a political and legal revolution. He argues, contrary to Bodin and Montesquieu, that a nation is not some cultural artefact defined by laws and customs and sanctioned by history. The nation the state has its origin in a social contract that transforms an aggregate of isolated individuals into a unified body politic possessed of a single general will. The nation comprises the entire body of citizens and its will is sovereign. Its will is always legal. The nation exists prior to the constitution, and its government serves only at the pleasure of the national will.

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The nation determines the constitutional form of the state by a pure exercise of sovereign will. Where he departed from him was over the formation of this national will. This was generated by the need for a political division of labour in an advanced modern state, in contrast with the constitutions of the ancient republics Rousseau extolled [55].

A representative body must take the place of an assembly of the entire nation and be charged with making a constitution. But the Revolution soon veered out of control. This was a bourgeois constitution whose general purpose was to put distance between the legislature and the sovereign people, not least by dividing between an active and passive citizenry [58].

Their recognition of the importance of political culture as a set of symbolic practices throws into relief the juristic implications of the revolutionary debates. To these aspects, and especially to the failure of the Revolution to establish a stable constitutional form, I now turn. These emergency responses were quickly extended into a system of government [63] , which subsequently descended into a dictatorial regime of violence and fear known as the Terror. As the Revolution unfolded it became the theatre for many of the unresolved issues over the principles of political right.

Was Burke then right in predicting that the attempt to establish a political regime on a set of abstract principles divorced from social and political realities could lead only to violence and dictatorship [65]? Was the Terror an inevitable stage in the transition from the old feudal order of servitude to a modern regime based on equal liberty?

Was a phase of violent dictatorship necessary in order to make a new people receptive to the precepts of true liberty? These questions, which continue to provoke intense controversy, set the context within which the juristic foundation of the Jacobin dictatorship must be assessed.

The emergency had permitted the Jacobins to retain power without having gained popular support [66]. But it would not be accurate to say that during the Terror they simply suspended the law. Their objective was to supplant principles of political right. Saint-Just questioned whether France even needed a formal constitution.

No further documentary authority was required. Ruling authority was legitimated by its adherence to the principles of liberty and equality inscribed in natural right. Nature and not the general will was the originating source of legal and political authority. In these respects, the Jacobins were hardly faithful followers of Rousseau. Rousseau never claimed that political order rested on natural law: he invoked the social contract, the basic political pact, as a device to transform a world of natural inequality into a civil order of political equality.

The civil order established by this pact is dictated by the sovereign people as an expression of the general will, not by a vanguard who consults their own hearts and minds to reveal the dictates of natural right [71]. The Jacobins, in short, were sceptical about the value of assertions of popular sovereignty.

They had discovered the foundation of law: it was neither in the general will nor in a common will, but in the precepts of natural right. Constitutional law decreed that the king was inviolable, but this provision was set aside in favour of a discourse of natural right. The Jacobins maintained that since the king had presided over a regime that had destroyed order and put France back into a state of nature, he could be tried as a criminal against humanity [74]. The Terror became a state of affairs in which the exception was normalized [75]. The Jacobins used the concept of natural right to bolster the legitimacy of the laws underpinning the Terror.

In effect, right triumphed over law. Laws were replaced by a cult and an abstract concept of natural right provided the cloak for violent repression. Their key task was to provide the Republic with a stable constitution. Previous attempts had failed and their main proponents, most notably Condorcet, had perished [78]. The question remained: how could the supreme principle of popular sovereignty be reconciled with the protection of basic rights?

Constant, the quintessential Thermidorian jurist, devoted his considerable intellectual energies to the question of how the Republic might draw a line under its revolutionary origins and establish its constitutional authority. He produced the most innovative work on droit politique of the period. Constant welcomed the Revolution as marking the end of the old feudal order [80] , but criticized the manner of its unfolding.

It could lead the people only to slavishness or to insurrection, both of which subverted political authority. And a primary source of this evil had been the revolutionary devotion to a purely abstract conception of right. Constant was a liberal by conviction but, more precisely, he was a political jurist [83]. Situating himself in the tradition of Montesquieu and Rousseau [84] , he built his argument from the elementary concepts of war and peace, state and sovereignty.

If the birth of states is traced to their origins, this warlike characteristic — the criterion of friend-enemy — offered a perfectly serviceable account of their formation. Constant maintained that all governments, whether despotic or liberal, have a repressive and coercive aspect: without such a monopoly on the use of force, governments cannot build their authority to ensure that citizens obey and order is maintained.

The critical distinction between liberal and despotic government is not the absence or presence of coercion: it is the existence of institutional arrangements that accord with the customs of a people. Only by strengthening institutional arrangements which command the respect of the people could authority be acquired and political power generated.